私は朝鮮戦争の体験を思い出しながら執筆中、日常茶飯事のことはほぼ記憶していない。中には珍しく新しく思い出したものもある。それは家内が時々ヒジキを食卓に出して髪の毛に良いなどの説明をするのを聞いてからであった。ヒジキには味云々ではない、私の不快感があることに気が付いた。朝鮮戦争の避難時に海岸でナムンジェ（ヒジキ）で延命できた感謝ではあるが不快な記憶があったことを思い出したのである。不快感が記憶の回想力があること感謝も感謝である。昨日の読書会では小児科の医者の倉光誠氏が子供の記憶について発表した。そこに快、不快が記憶と回想の力があるという。どうして私にピッタリ合う話題を提供してくれたのだろうか。感謝し私の4歳ころの記憶などを延々と披露することになった。本の執筆は加速するようになった。感謝である。
often unclear whether they are the real thing or just recollections based on photos or stories told to us by others. at this early age are truly autobiographical, developmental changes in basic memory processes have been put forward as an explanation for childhood amnesia, continues developing until at least the age of seven. Children and teenagers have earlier memories than adults do. Another factor that we know plays a role is language. speaking to becoming fluent in their native language(s), so there are major changes in their verbal ability that overlap with the childhood amnesia period. This includes using the past tense, memory-related words such as “remember” and “forget”, and personal pronouns.it happened predicts how well they remember it months or years later. One lab group conducted this work by interviewing toddlers brought to accident and emergency departments for common childhood injuries. preverbal memories are lost if they are not translated into language.narrative, and its social function.remember and how to structure talking about them in a way that others can understand. social function of sharing experiences with others. family stories maintain the memory’s accessibility over time. More coherent stories are remembered better. In the meantime, it’s important to remember that, even if we can’t explicitly remember specific events from when we were very young, their accumulation nevertheless leaves lasting traces that influence our behaviour. The first few years of life are paradoxically forgettable and yet powerful in shaping the adults that we become.
This study is the first to show that shy infants possess an approach-avoidance conflict in their temperament. Infant shyness has been viewed as a simpler form of withdrawal, an inhibited approach or a fear of strangers. However, we found that shy infants had a more complex repertoire in that they experienced the seemingly opposing constructs of both high approach and high fear, which has only been observed in children in later developmental stages. We further demonstrated that this conflicted shyness in infancy was associated with an initial hypersensitivity to the eye region, regardless of whether mothers or strangers were fixated on, and with a preference for an averted gaze over a directed gaze when viewing strangers’ faces.
our study focused on the early form of infant shyness, which may be a phenotype present during the developmental process in which infants exhibit an affective state rather than a stable personality trait in socially unfamiliar situations. Thus, the onset and intensity of infant shyness with interindividual differences may reflect developmental changes and thresholds in infants’ neurophysiological responses to strangers, possibly in the amygdala.As shyness behaviors are induced in real, intense social situations with a heightened arousal level. This possibility suggests that shy infants are more sensitive to human faces, given that they initially increased their time spent looking at the eyes when compared with infants with low shyness.Infant shyness is not a single form of behavioral inhibition; rather, it is well explained by the combination of approach and avoidance, i.e.,