世界でも有名な米国、経済誌フォーブス(Forbes)は、世界有数の経済誌で、本社はニューヨーク、アジア版など地域別に発行されています、日本版を含めて32の国際版があります。世界長者番付でも有名です。)
9月15日、米国のStephen Harner氏が、フォーブス誌に辺野古問題を投稿していますが、文面からすれば、感情論抜きの中立の立場で論じてるように思えます。更に辺野古基地建設問題と9条、安全保障法案の紹介をしています。海外では、日本国内と違い、このような見方をされる方もいると言う事実を知ることも必要と思います。
Stephen Harner氏とは・・・
カリフォルニア出身、Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies で修士号、国務省に入り、米中国交正常化直前の北京に赴任、その後、金融界に転じて、シティバンク、メルリンチ日本、ドイツ銀行上海事務所首席代表、中国系平安銀行副頭取兼主席リスク管理役を経て、現在長江デルタ地区を中心に直接投資関係コンサルタント業をつとめるかたわら、日本で自由経済シンクタンクの設立にボランティアとして活躍しています。夫人は台湾彰化出身の才媛で、二人は1974 年に台北で結婚
*以下は概略、英訳です。
日本国内で揉めている、普天間の代替基地・・・辺野古基地建設問題、翁長知事は、自分の信念、沖縄の未来を考え、日本政府、アメリカ政府、ペンタゴン、日本のメディアに対しても勇気を持って自分の信念を堂々と述べている。対し前仲井真知事は、結局は圧力に耐え切れず、態度を翻して最後には抵抗することができませんでした・・・
翁長知事は、普天間米海兵隊飛行場のいわゆる代替基地建設の中止を求めています。基地が名護市の辺野古地域に作られようとしています、実際に起こっていることは、移転以上の問題を抱えています。
1950年代以降、日本で造られる最初の大規模基地です。 沖縄の県民にとって、そして辺野古の居住者にとって、小さい沖縄県での新しい基地建設は危険な集中を意味します。
新しい基地は、日本では取り除けないアメリカの軍事プレゼンス(治外法権)・・不必要なシンボルを代表してるようです。
地元の反対で工事が長年遅れ、安倍政権は、辺野古建設の最初の段階では湾での埋め立て作業を開始しました。工事の埋め立て許可証は、元仲井間知事による承認の後、すぐ始まりました。以後抗議、工事妨害等をする人達が現れています。
先の知事選挙では、翁長氏は辺野古基地建設阻止をスローガンにし仲井間氏を破りました。
埋め立て許可証を出した、元仲井間知事の発行手順を再評価するために、とりわけ環境問題が問題ないか、専門家の委員会を作り検証しました。同委員会のレポートは、法的欠陥を見つけています。
9月14日に、翁長知事は、埋め立て許可証をキャンセルする決定を発表しました。全国の反対(共産党員、社会民主党員と他の間の沖縄社交ミサ党)代表の会議で演説して、翁長知事は東京との闘いは新しい歴史的なページと宣言しました。
安部政権(米国ペンタゴン)は、今後潜在的に大きな問題等が予想されると言っていますし、東京での行き詰まり、国会を通して沖縄・・・おそらく訴訟事件もありそうです。
日本の戦後の平和主義・・・自衛のみの軍隊に代わる安全保障法案を国会で通過させました。
政府の第9条の再解釈、そして、平和、戦争の放棄を持つ日本が攻撃されなかった時でも、同盟国が日本の安全保障、防衛行動等に関係していれば交戦に参加します。
安部政権の新しい安全保障法案に対し、世論調査では反対は増加しました。細部は1088人のランダムに選ばれたNHK世論調査は45%が反対、わずか19%が政府の安全保障法案に賛成、同意しました。
安全保障法案が抑止力を強化するという政府の主張を尋ねますと、25%が幾らか有効、6%が有効、37%は効果なし、26%は不明
新しい安全保障法案が合法であるか、憲法に反するかどうか尋ねると、わずか16%が合法、32%が憲法に反する、46%は分からない。
沖縄に新しい軍事基地を造ることに反対する国際的な学者達が、アジア太平洋ジャーナルで反対を述べています。
その中の活動家嘆願書は、第13巻、問題35に上ります。昨今、世界の目は日本の辺野古に集まりまっています。記事には、それに署名した109人の国際的な学者、平和擁護団体の申し立てと名前を見ることが出来ます。
翁長知事は、沖縄の人々の想いを今も訴えています・・・・
*英訳に不適切な訳があるかも知れません。
Okinawa governor Onaga Takeshi Japan’s bravest man? Who else, we might ask, would have the courage to steadfastly defy the governments of Japan and the United States, the U.S. Pentagon, the virulent and sometimes violent right wing fringes of Japanese politics, and most of the generally pliable, but pro-Abe, Japanese media? Onaga’s predecessor, Hirokazu Nakaima, was, in the end, unable to withstand the pressure and threats, or to resist the blandishments, from these sources, finally caving and reversing himself. Against much skepticism and deflated expectations, Onaga is proving to be made of sterner stuff.
Onaga’s cause is stopping the so-called “relocation” of the Futenma U.S. Marine Air Station, a base located in the middle of a mid-sized city, Ginowan City, on the island of Okinawa, to another part of the island prefecture, Henoko in Nago City. In actuality, what is taking place is more than a small base “relocation.” It is the planned construction of a massive new all-purpose base, the first large scale American base to be built in Japan since the 1950s. To the citizens of Okinawa, and certainly to the residents of Henoko, the long-opposed new base constitutes a further dangerous concentration of military forces, and especially foreign military forces, in their small island prefecture. To many if not also a majority of Japanese (and as well as many concerned persons abroad—see below) the new base represents a deeply resented, unjustifiable and unwanted symbol (and reality) of a seemingly perpetual, ineradicable American military presence (for residents of Okinawa, never ending extra-territorial occupation) in Japan. Last year, following years of delay owing mainly to local opposition, the government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe began landfill work in the bay next to Henoko in the first stage of new base construction. The work was began immediately following the approval by the former governor Nakaima of a landfill permit (something he had pledge not to do). Loud local protests, charges of betrayal and organized efforts to block work followed.
In an election last November, Onaga, who pledged to “do whatever it takes” to stop the new base, defeated Nakaima in a landslide that proved again the depth and breadth of public opposition to the base. Since then Onaga has unwaveringly held to his commitment, inter alia appointing a committee of environmental and legal experts to reassess procedures in the government’s filing and Nakaima’s issuance of the landfill permit. The committee’s report found legal defects that were serious enough to cause the government to issue a one-month moratorium on base construction. Also at play was building Japan-wide dismay and disquiet with the strong-arm tactics and rhetoric of the Tokyo government in dealing with Okinawa. During the moratorium, just ended, a succession of Abe government envoys traveled to Naha to wheedle and cajole Onaga into desisting in his blocking efforts, while Onaga traveled also to Tokyo to make his case. All talks ended in deadlock.
On September 14 Onaga announced his “unhesitating” decision to proceed with cancelling the landfill permit. Calling together to the prefecture government office and addressing a meeting of local and national opposition (Communist, Social Democrat, and Okinawa Social Mass Party among others) delegates, Onaga declared the turning of “a new historic page” in the struggle with Tokyo. The Abe government (and the U.S. Pentagon) apparently determined to continue the landfill portends an unprecedentedly grave and a potentially cataclysmic clash. Now a deadlock between the Tokyo and Naha governments through next summer’s upper Diet house elections, and possibly a court case (which in Japan, inevitably becomes a quagmire) seem possible, if not likely. The Okinawa-Tokyo drama is being staged against the backdrop of the Abe government’s final, all-out push for Diet approval of new (U.S. Pentagon backed) defense and security legislation that will replace Japan’s postwar pacifist, passive, geographically self-limiting, self-defense only military posture. Central to the legislation is a reinterpretation of Article 9 of Japan’s “Peace Constitution”–the renunciation of war clause—specifically to allow Japanese forces to engage in in “collective self-defense.” i.e., to join in hostilities involving allies (read: defending American forces) even when Japanese forces or Japan have not been attacked.
The Abe government is targeting September 17 for the conclusive upper Diet house vote on the legislation. Despite months of government explanations and justifications, not least directly from PM Abe himself, there remains generalized public disquiet and skepticism toward, together with large, nationwide demonstrations against, the new security legislation. Indeed, opposition as measured by public opinion polls has increased. An NHK poll of 1088 randomly selected Japanese adults released September 14 found that only 19% “agreed with” the government’s security legislation, which included the doctrine of “collective self-defense,” while 45% are “opposed.” Asked whether they could “subscribe to” the government’s claim that the new legislation would enhance “deterrence” and lower the risk of attack on Japan, only 6% answer “strongly subscribe to,” while 25% answered “somewhat subscribe to,” 37% answered “cannot subscribe to,” and 26% answered “completely cannot subscribe to.” Asked whether the new security legislation is “constitutional” or “unconstitutional”, fully 32% answered “unconstitutional” while only 16% answered “constitutional.” 46% could not decide. “The World is Watching: International Scholars, Artists, and Activists Petition to Prevent a New U.S. Military Base in Okinawa” is the title of an article in Vol. 13, Issue 35, No. 3 of The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, published September 2, 2015. The article presents a petition and the names and titles of 109 international scholars and peace advocates who signed it, urging Governor Onaga “to honor his commitment to the people of Okinawa.” The petition and list of signers makes interesting reading. And its arguments are, I think, more than convincing. Given the opportunity, I would, for what it is worth, readily sign. Not so much to urge Onaga—as he seems not to need urging—but to commend and to pay tribute to him.