安倍首相と迫田氏が面談したのはこれだけではない。迫田氏は2015年7月に国有地を管轄する理財局長になってから、首相動静に記録されているものだけでも、7月31日、8月7日、9月3日、10月14日、12月15日と、半年の間に5回も会っているのだ
今日の参考人として（迫田氏を）招致していて、与党の皆さんは断ってるんですよ。その時の理財局長だから呼んでいるのに、知らないとか、通告がない、とかありえないじゃないですか。何でそこまで迫田さんの名前を出すことを嫌がるんですか？ますます怪しいと思うじゃないですか
Most white evangelicals approve of Trump refugee policy, express concerns about extremism | Pew Research Center via kwout
イスラム7国入国禁止措置に対するUS市民の支持政党・宗派別の賛否率 http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/02/27/most-white-evangelicals-approve-of-trump-travel-prohibition-and-express-concerns-about-extremism/ … カトリックの賛成率が36%である一方プロテスタントは51%が賛成し中でも白人のプロテスタント福音派では76%にのぼる。 pic.twitter.com/uCcXtsWOG9
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How do mobilizations like the Women’s March and the airport rallies impact the Trump administration?
They signal that resistance to the administration’s plans is alive and well, and they signal this to lots of important audiences. The first audience is other would-be protesters, who may be more willing to participate as they see the movement growing and winning key gains. The second audience is the silent majority, who may see the protests and demonstrations as reason to interpret the Trump administration’s actions with more skepticism. The third audience is the people who actually implement policy—Congress, law-enforcement officials, civil servants, and others who may be involved—who see that implementing the policies might be too costly, thereby motivating them to resist internally. And the fourth audience is people observing abroad, who see the resistance as a sign that the preferences of the American electorate are actually quite different from those of the American president. Public resistance can help to temper the consequences of any reckless missteps from the administration.
What is the typical playbook of an authoritarian?
There is a pretty typical authoritarian playbook when it comes to weakening civil society. It’s basically a divide-and-rule strategy.
First there are strategies to reinforce elite loyalty through purges, paying off an inner entourage, and co-opting oppositionists through threats and bribes.
Second, there are strategies to suppress or undermine opposition. This includes using direct violence against oppositionists or their associates, of course, but it also involves counter-mobilizing one’s own supporters, infiltrating the movement, expanding surveillance, using pseudo-legitimate laws and practices that criminalize or increase penalties for erstwhile legal behaviors, adding administrative, financial, or legal burdens to civil-society groups, and planting plainclothes police and agents provocateurs to push the opposition into chaotic and/or undisciplined behavior.
Third, autocrats use strategies to reinforce support among the silent majority and other observers. This includes scapegoating foreigners and outsiders for domestic problems; mischaracterizing oppositionists as terrorists, traitors, coup plotters, “thugs,” or communists; censoring information or engaging in misinformation campaigns; and co-opting or bullying the independent media into submission. As authoritarians consolidate power, all of these behaviors tend to increase in frequency and intensity.
What does the success of a civil-resistance movement depend on?
Generally speaking, successful civil-resistance campaigns have four things in common: the continual growth of the number and diversity of participants; the ability to elicit loyalty shifts among the opponent elites and their supporters; the innovation of new methods rather than reliance on a single method; and the ability to remain resilient, disciplined, and united in the face of escalating repression.
We’ve seen videos of bricks thrown at store windows and cars and other objects lit on fire at some protests. These acts of property destruction are sometimes defended by a small segment of activists in the name of “diversity of tactics.” Can you be for nonviolence and for a diversity of tactics? What’s at stake in this question for organizers?
My take is that the widespread acceptance of “diversity of tactics” as a necessary or superior method of struggle compared to nonviolent discipline is misplaced. The most systematic studies on social movements in the US suggest that the technique has been politically counterproductive, even in cases where it had short-term tactical advantages. It has tended to alienate participants and would-be sympathizers, while undermining loyalty shifts among the opponent elites and increasing repression against movement activists and those they purported to represent.
Such sex dolls have already proved a huge hit in Japan and China - especially with husbands working away from home who want to avoid being unfaithful - but Lumidoll claims to be the first such brothel to open in Europe.
１）日本や中国は一緒くた
２）日本や中国は変人、変態
ATTN: - タイムライン via kwout
'Angry white men': the sociologist who studied Trump's base before Trump | World news | The Guardian via kwout
What we do know to be true is that our military exercises in Iraq and Afghanistan have left veterans coming home with serious PTSD. I mean, think of the types of terror that they’ve lived with – that any time you get into a car could be your last time on earth. That can’t help but shake you up. Couple that with racism towards your enemy – one of the ways you convince yourself to kill an enemy is to hate them; think about what we used to say about the Vietnamese, or what my father’s generation used to say about the Japanese. I think that is an equation that might make some people susceptible to far-right ideology.
And it is also true that a large number of guys enter the military precisely because they want to fight.
“Because I feel small, I will make you feel smaller.”
In my interviews with extremists, both “actives” and “formers”, I have found time and time again that they have experienced that sense of humiliation and shame.
Let me give you two examples. The first: how come men use a biological argument when they are angry and they beat up someone smaller or older than they are or they beat their wives – yet they don’t beat their bosses? I mean, my boss would likely piss me off more than my wife would, right? Why don’t I beat him up? Because you have to feel like you have permission. You have to believe that the target of your violence is “legitimate”.
There is a famous experiment by a primatologist at Stanford. He takes five monkeys and measures their testosterone. Then he puts the five monkeys in a cage. The monkeys immediately establish a hierarchy of violence – number one beats number two, number two beats number three, number three beats number four, number four beats number five. Of course, number one has the highest testosterone, and so on.
So the experiment is: he takes monkey three out of the cage and he shoots him up with testosterone, off the scale, and puts him back in. What do you think happens? When I tell this story my students always guess that he immediately becomes number-one monkey. But that’s not true. What happens is that when he goes back in the cage he still avoids monkeys number one and two – but he beats the shit out of numbers four and five.
So what any reasonable biological researcher would conclude is that testosterone does not cause aggression, it enables it
２７日の衆院予算委員会の理事会で、民進党が森友学園の幼稚園の運動会映像を文字にしたパネルの委員会への持ち込みを通告したところ、自民党が拒否。民進が求めた３氏の参考人招致も、審議のテレビ中継も拒んだ。民進の長妻昭氏が記者団に明らかにした
参考人招致を求めた３氏は、同学園の籠池（かごいけ）泰典理事長、売却交渉をしていた時期に財務省理財局長だった迫田英典・国税庁長官と近畿財務局長だった武内良樹財務省国際局長。民進は「疑いがないというのなら、国会に来てもらえればすっきりとする」と訴えたが、自民は「今の局長に聞けば足りる」と応じなかったという。
For African-American ‘idol’ Amina du Jean, difference is a double-edged sword | The Japan Times via kwout
“However, in Japan, race is the only thing they focus on. And even with non-Japanese it’s they only thing they focus on as well — black idol, black idol — but I don’t mind.
“I’ve been accused of it almost exclusively by non-Japanese people,” she says. “It was mainly after I’d been in Japan that the ‘social justice’ boom has taken off. I really heard it once I started getting attention in Japan.”
There’s a sizable community of foreign girls interested in becoming idols who would love to follow in her footsteps, and I was curious if Amina had any advice for them.
“First off, learn Japanese,” she says. “After that, it’s not that hard to get into an idol group.
Woman deported from UK despite being married to Briton for 27 years | UK news | The Guardian via kwout
Clennell was given indefinite leave to remain in the UK after marrying John in 1990 but spent periods back in Singapore caring for her parents before they died.
The government’s spousal visa system requires the British partner to prove earnings of at least £18,600 and the couple being able to show long stretches of uninterrupted time living in the UK.
Clennell lost her leave to remain as the time she spent out of the country when her parents were dying was too long. She has made repeated attempts – in Singapore and back in the UK – to reapply for permission to live with her husband.
Her last visitor visa expired last year and she was sent to a detention centre in Scotland after a routine appointment with immigration service in mid-January.
日本人，永住者及び特別永住者の配偶者の場合，実態を伴った婚姻生活が３年以上継続し，かつ，引き続き１年以上本邦に在留していること。その実子等の場合は１年以上本邦に継続して在留していること
Brexitを実行すると、EU域内出身で英国の永住権を持っていないひとを追い出しにかかるということだね。
保守党党首のキャメロン氏は2010年の選挙で勝利を目指し、移民を 「数万人」規模にすると約束した。しかし欧州連合（ＥＵ）加盟国であ る英国は域内からの移民を制限することはできない。そこでＥＵ外から の移民を標的にしたわけだが、この中には科学者や技術者や学者など高 いスキルを持つ人々が含まれている。
マンチェスター大学で政治学を教えるロブ・フォード氏によれば、 移民が実際には減っていた1964年でさえ、多くの英国人は移民は多過ぎ ると考えていた。キャメロン首相と英独立党（ＵＫＩＰ）のファラージ ュ党首は移民の人数を1980年代の水準程度に戻したいとしている。当時 のピークは1985年の５万8000人だった。
移民を減らす約束がそれを望む有権者を満足させることは決してな いとフォード氏は話す。「移民問題を強く意識する有権者は、全ての問 題をそれに結びつけて考える。移民を減らしたいということは要する に、自分たちが気に入らない形で進んできた文化の変化を反転させたい ということなのだ」と説明した。
In 1964, when handmade posters appeared in one election battle urging voters not to back Labour if they didn't want black people as neighbors, more people were leaving the country than entering it. Even so, according to Rob Ford, who teaches politics at Manchester University, many people thought immigration was too high.
"A lot of political promises are on things people don't care about that much, but the voters who care intensively about immigration link it to everything that's wrong with everything,'' he said. "And when they say they want less immigration, they mean they want the process of cultural change that they don't like reversed.''
