Hビザは短期就労者ビザと位置づけられ、米国人求職者の就職を妨げない状況において、その分野で短期的に働く人に対して与えられるビザのカテゴリーです
He explained that he voted against the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of 2007 because it included a temporary guest worker program, which he equated to “slavery.”
“In terms of 2007 immigration reform, yup, I did vote against it,” said Sanders. “I voted against it because the Southern Poverty Law Center among other groups said that the guest worker programs that were embedded in this agreement were akin to slavery.”
Southern Poverty Law Center released a report in 2007 comparing guest worker programs to slavery. The non-profit legal advocacy organization advocated that guest worker programs not be expanded under legal efforts for comprehensive immigration reform.
大統領討論会で、バーニー・サンダースー外国人移民短期就労制度は、奴隷制度も同然と言われていたので、法案に反対した、と。
（実習生制度）
本来、討論会はかくあるべき、と。
警察の横暴の改革については一致。健康保険や移民については多少の意見の食い違いがあった、と。
サンダース氏、クリントンさんのように、キッシンジャーからは、外交で助言をうけないよ、と。
“Now,” replied Kissinger, “we are the downtrodden” — a reference to the Yankees’ poor performance the previous season. During his time in office, Kissinger had been involved in three of the genocides Power mentions in her book: Pol Pot’s “killing fields” in Cambodia, which would never have occurred had he not infamously ordered an illegal four-and-a-half-year bombing campaign in that country; Indonesia’s massacre in East Timor; and Pakistan’s in Bangladesh, both of which he expedited.
Only recently, Barack Obama announced that U.S. troops wouldn’t be leaving Afghanistan any time soon and also made a deeper commitment to fighting the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, including deploying the first U.S. ground personnel into that country. Indeed, a new book by New York Timesreporter Charlie Savage, Power Wars, suggests that there has been little substantive difference between George W. Bush’s administration and Obama’s when it comes to national security policies or the legal justifications used to pursue regime change in the Greater Middle East.
Henry Kissinger is, of course, not singularly responsible for the evolution of the U.S. national security state into a monstrosity. That state has had many administrators. But his example — especially his steadfast support for bombing as an instrument of “diplomacy” and his militarization of the Persian Gulf — has coursed through the decades, shedding a spectral light on the road that has brought us to a state of eternal war.
Having either condoned, authorized, or planned so many invasions — Indonesia’s in East Timor, Pakistan’s in Bangladesh, the U.S.’s in Cambodia, South Vietnam’s in Laos, and South Africa’s in Angola — Henry Kissinger took the only logical stance in early August 1990, when Saddam Hussein sent the Iraqi military into Kuwait: he condemned the act. In office, he had worked to pump up Baghdad’s regional ambitions. As a private consultant and pundit, he had promoted the idea that Saddam’s Iraq could serve as a disposable counterweight to revolutionary Iran. Now, he knew just what needed to be done: the annexation of Kuwait had to be reversed.
Saddam Hussein’s troops were easily driven out of Kuwait and, momentarily, it looked like the outcome would vindicate the logic behind Kissinger’s and Nixon’s covert Cambodian air campaign: that the US should be free to use whatever military force it needed to compel the political outcome it sought. It seemed as if the world Kissinger had long believed he ought to live in was finally coming into bein
After all, being “right or not is really secondary” to the main issue: being willing to do something decisive, especially use air power to “break the back” of… well, whomever.
Public support for the war was by then plummeting and Bush’s justifications for waging it expanding. America’s “responsibility,” he had announced earlier that year in his second inaugural address, was to “rid the world of evil.”
There was, he said, no difference between what he did with B-52s in Cambodia and what the president was doing with drones in Pakistan, Somalia, and Yemen. When asked about his role in overthrowing Salvador Allende, the democratically elected president of Chile in 1973, he insisted that his actions had been retrospectively justified by what Obama and Power did in Libya and wanted to do in Syria.
He was right, however, in his assertion that many of the political arguments he made in the late 1960s to justify his illegal and covert wars in Cambodia and Laos, considered at the time way beyond mainstream thinking, are now an unquestioned, very public part of American policymaking. This was especially true of the idea that the U.S. has the right to violate the sovereignty of a neutral country to destroy enemy “sanctuaries.” “If you threaten America, you will find no safe haven,” Barack Obama has said, offering Kissinger his retroactive absolution.
ベトナム、カンボジア、インドネシア、バングラディッシュ・・空爆、虐殺の黙認など、アメリカの脅威になるものは、正しかろう間違っていようと、ボコボコに撃滅するというアメリカの軍国主義はキッシンジャーのイデオロギーなんだ、と。
この軍国主義の外交方針については、ブッシュもオバマも変わりはない、と。
そうしたことは、イラン系米左翼でも言われていることで、
また、
誰が大統領になっても、このアメリカの軍国主義については変わりはなかろう、と。
トランプが支持されている理由で、金があるから、圧力団体に影響されていないこと、また、イスラム教徒の入国を禁止してテロを予防できる（と思っている）ことなど上げている。
さらに、アメリカから金を巻き上げている中国や日本、メキシコなどをとっちめてアメリカを再び偉大にしよう、と。
日米貿易摩擦のときでも、自分たちが停滞しているのは、日本がずるいことをしているからだ、という被害者意識から、日本を散々バッシングしていたわけで、こうした発想の根は深いから、注意すべき。
via mozu
But there were huge structural pressures in the background: extraordinary and growing American pressure on Tokyo and Seoul to finally put this issue to rest. Every Western analyst, journalist, academic, government or military figure I know with some involvement in this issue thought a resolution was critical. There has been constant diplomatic pressure at track 1, 1.5 and 2 levels on both parties to resolve it.
ああ、やっぱ、日韓合意の裏には、アメリカからの巨大な圧力があって晋三坊ちゃまはそれに屈したのですね。
記事はいずれにせよ、韓国側から日韓合意は崩れるだろう、と、その理由は、
The criticism that the current Park is 'pro-Japanese' and not willing to take a tougher stand can already be heard.
South Korea defines itself against Japan and its imperial history
朴大統領は親日だと非難が強まるし、そもそも、韓国という国は反日によって成り立っており、それなしには、韓国が韓国でなくなるから、と。
ーーーそれはその通りなんだけど、だからこそ、米国を主導とする米日韓の安保体制は無理だ、とはっきり自覚すべき。
そして、慰安婦問題については、日米韓軍性奴隷について共通の解決基準を３国で提出、竹島については、即時返還を求めていくべきなのである。
イギリス版 それでもぼくはやっていない・Soredemo boku wa yattenai
監視カメラの記録で疑いははれたものの、痴漢に間違われて、無実を証明するのに裁判所内外での、地獄のような一年を要した、と。
大統領選で、誰もが、中国に強くでるのは毎度のことで、実際に大統領になれば、譲歩するものだが、クリントン氏の実績からすると、中国の人権問題、とりわけ、女性の人権問題や、南シナ海の問題などで強気にでて、、中国を封じ込める気満々なので、中国は、クリントン氏を恐れている、と。
サンダース氏ひっぱりだこで、若者に大人気。
国立大学授業料免除や皆保険制度について、他の国にできてアメリカにできないはずはない、と。
国は豊かになったのに、自分たちの両親たちより、貧乏な生活を強いられ、富裕層はより豊かになっているのはおかしいだろう、と。
実現不可能という人もいるが他国でもやっており、問題は例えば、民間保険会社や医薬品製造販売企業からの圧力に立ち向かうことができるかだ、と。
日本でも、「結婚は親を見て選べ」という人がいるが、英語でも、
Men are often told to look at their partner's mother to witness their future
同じような表現があるわけですね。
娘にシワをつけて、赤みをとったら母親になる、と。