Based on Korean comfort women’s testimony, Park believes that recruitment was largely based on deception rather than coercion
but she believes the consequences for all these women were horrific; none were free to leave once recruited and all were subject to military discipline.
Sadly, many women were made to suffer severe hardships during the wretched era during World War II, and it is with profound regret that we contemplate this tragic historical reality.
As Prime Minister of Japan, I thus extend anew my most sincere apologies and remorse to all the women who underwent immeasurable and painful experiences and suffered incurable physical and psychological wounds as comfort women
“I am deeply pained to think about the ‘comfort women’ who experienced immeasurable pain and suffering as a result of victimization due to human trafficking
And for Japanese deniers, she inconveniently points out that “it appears that recruiters were often pairs of Japanese and Korean men.”
The comfort stations were closely monitored by the Japanese military
The conditions under which they transacted business were regulated by the Army, and in congested areas regulations were strictly enforced. The Army found it necessary in congested areas to install a system of prices, priorities, and schedules for the various units operating in a particular areas.
Bruce Cumings: Really s>ome of the former comfort women feeling themselves completely ruined and unable to return to their families became prostitutes for the American military after world war two. It was such a degraded situation under the American occupation in the Korean war that a friend of mine who served in the Korean war said on Friday night they would bring in a half ton truck full of 150 women and they would be in a movie house having sex. These undoubtedly included women who were comfort women for the Japanese army
many can faintly remember the sufferings they endured.
When I examined the initial testimonies of former Korean comfort women, none of them claimed she was coerced by the Japanese military. The majority of the Korean women were sold by their fathers to the comfort station owners. Some Korean women were recruited on false pretenses by the Korean comfort station owners. Other Korean women were in the world's oldest profession, and they did volunteer to earn good money.
most ”recruiting" seems to have been done by local Korean sub-contractor....
The most common expedient used in Korea was deceit --false promise of employment in Japan or in other Japanese occupied territories.（ｐ３８）
The contract they signed bound them to Army regulations and to war for the "house master " for a period of from six months to a year depending on the family debt for which they were advanced
"I'm glad I went to Aeon" English school, says this poster featuring Satomi Ishihara, whose English is nigh-incomprehensible in Shin Gojira.
9件のリツイート 17 いいね
In “The Obama Nation,” published in August 2008, Jerome Corsi paints Obama as a racial and religious opportunist, a compulsive liar, too beyond the mainstream to become president. The best-selling book, one of the earliest tomes in the Obama hatred literature, is a conspiratorial jumble. Corsi questions Obama’s commitment to Christianity, for instance, yet constantly links him to a radical black liberationist version of Christianity, all the while suggesting that Obama is secretly sympathetic to Islam. He speculates that Obama has hidden the Islamic education he received during his childhood in Indonesia — “again, we simply don’t know,” Corsi writes — and suggests that, thanks to his Kenyan-born father, Obama “could claim to be a citizen of Kenya, as well as of the United States.” (In 2011, Corsi would go on to publish “Where’s the Birth Certificate? The Case That Obama Is Not Eligible to Be President,” though, unfortunately for his sales, the book became available shortly after Obama made his birth certificate public.)
Corsi is a fan of guilt by rhetorical question. “If Obama takes pains to hide his smoking from us, what else does he take pains to hide?” The contradictions in this book are not hard to find, as they sometimes appear in consecutive sentences. “Obama, we argue here, is and always has been a radical on the far left,” Corsi writes. “He is at heart a coldly calculating politician, driven more by winning at all costs than by the lofty principles he espouses.” So what is he: a radical ideologue or a shameless pol? Yes. Both. Whichever one scares you most.
D’Souza believes that Obama is at heart an “anti-colonialist,” mixing socialist economics with an anti-imperialist foreign policy, supposedly inspired by the beliefs of his Kenyan father, passed on to him by his American mother. Imbued with a certain “low cunning,” Obama has sought to redistribute global wealth away from the United States and scale back American military and financial influence around the planet, D’Souza writes, “so that America can no longer impose its will as a neocolonial superpower.”
If you accept that Obama is corrupt and determined to undermine America, it’s a short step to Ben Shapiro’s “The People vs. Barack Obama” (2014). Shapiro, a lawyer, radio host and editor of the conservative site the Daily Wire, lays out in vivid prose his case that the Obama administration has become “a full-fledged criminal enterprise.” IRS abuses against conservative groups, the Benghazi attack, the targeting of reporters, selective prosecution of undocumented immigrants — that’s just the start. Shapiro details multiple laws the president and his underlings have supposedly violated and calls for prosecution under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act.
The left takes for granted that much of the opposition to Obama indicates latent racism, a visceral resentment at seeing a black family in the White House. That is a serious charge, so it is no surprise that these authors sometimes protest that their views have nothing to do with the color of the president’s skin.
D’Souza states simply that Obama gets a pass because he’s black. “Obama has also injected fear on the right, and inspired giddy enthusiasm on the left, by playing the ‘race card’ in a way never previously done in American politics,” he argues.
She got older. She bought a vibrator. But then she got sick of it. Or, rather, she got sick of what it was doing to her orgasm. “With a vibrator, you get instant gratification. You can get an orgasm within two minutes.” After a while, she felt that the vibratory power her toys provided were dulling her sensitivity. “Even with the highest vibration setting on my Hitachi, I wasn’t feeling it.” That’s when she went back to scooting under the faucet,
The truth is that the raw statistics can't tell us whether the police are treating African Americans differently from white people. To understand that, we'd need to look at more details about what happened in each incident. There's a big difference between a case where someone was shooting at the police, and a case where someone was passive and unarmed.
One person who has tried to do that is an economist from Harvard University called Roland Fryer, the first ever African American to win the prestigious John Bates Clark medal in economics. This month Fryer released a preliminary study examining records from 10 cities and counties, with the best data coming from Houston - it's not yet peer-reviewed, but it has received a lot of attention in the press.
Fryer's research suggests that African Americans and Hispanics are substantially more likely to experience force in their interactions with the police - such as having a gun pointed at them, being handcuffed without arrest, or being pepper-sprayed or hit with a baton. This racial difference is reduced, but doesn't completely disappear, when Fryer adds all sorts of statistical controls such as whether the incident was indoors or outdoors, in a high-crime area, took place at night, and so on.
However, Fryer doesn't find any racial difference in the cases where police offers actually shoot someone.
The debate over this continues, both on the streets and in academia.