思いつくまま

みどりごを殺す「正義」はありや?
パレスチナ占領に反対します--住民を犠牲にして強盗の安全を守る道理がどこにあろう

野夫:玉嬌事件に寄せて

2009-05-28 21:58:38 | Weblog

野夫:从逼良为娼到逼良为侠——故乡野三关民女反抗案的几点思考

     野三关是家父的故乡,祖茔至今犹在;也是我出入家山的必经之地——代复一代的鄂西人要想走出深山,似乎都绕不开这个一直以来都籍籍无名的高寒古镇。但现在,它却连同一个原本同样无名的村姑,而突然蜚声天下了。对于故乡这样的成名,我却心有戚戚焉——既因当地的墨吏而蒙耻,也为无辜的烈女而生哀。

    在今日之中国,一个人生于穷乡僻壤已属不幸,倘若又是女儿身且长成在农家,那就更加不堪了。等级社会加身份户籍制度,从起点之初即已确立的不公,早已限制了人的平等自由发展。于是多数求学不成的农家女,不得不早早沦为苦力或流落风尘。一个在故乡为官的朋友,曾经指着那些散落在深山里的新瓦房对我痛心地说——这些家里多半有一个女儿在沿海发廊,山区正牺牲一代女孩在换来所谓小康啊。

    邓玉娇只是这茫茫走投无路的农家女洪流中的一员。她敢于选择在故乡的娱乐场所做服务员,就意味着她没打算以身娱人。但是,在那些基层恶吏的眼里,农民的女儿乃是人尽可淫的——你不陪老子玩,你来这里干什么——这就是权势者的逻辑。而你本系玩物却还要择客,那就更是对我官人衙役的羞辱。对于缺钱的人民来说,那他当然可以用人民币来抽死你砸死你。可恶的人民币,顺理成章地再次成为了欺凌人民的凶器。

    官人邓贵大和黄智万万没有想到的是,没钱的打工民女还有节,还有自尊和烈烈巴风。于是匹妇一怒,伏尸一人,流血五步。原本想逼良为娼的党政吏员,最后竟然把一个长期逆来顺受的村姑逼成了一代女侠——这才是今日社会的危机所在。

    二

    邓玉娇只是一个毫无武艺的弱女子,一个只肯在所谓KTV陪酒陪歌陪笑而不陪床的打工妹。在我所熟知的故乡,这样的孩子何曾敢冒犯官府干部。即便狭路相逢,她们也多是要低眉俯首驻足让道的。一个浣衣的女孩,既无杀人的动机,也无杀人的故意,更无杀人的预谋,且无杀人的手段。如果不是这个时代把她们逼到退无可退的地步,她怎敢抵死相搏,血溅素服?

    侠者,以武犯禁也。如果今日之社会已经可以把一个毫无武力的女孩,瞬间变成金刚怒目的犯禁者;那既是这个女孩的悲剧,更是这个国家的悲哀。假设这个国家最终还要为它的爪牙墨吏而张目,却不肯为这个无辜女孩去伸冤,且还要将她以故意杀人的罪名“绳之以法”之时,那我看到的则是整个民族的悲愤——我们无数人的呼声,仍然无法挽救我们的一个无辜孩子之时,那岂不是要把更多的人培养成以暴易暴的侠者。

    良法使世道和谐,恶法令社会暴戾。即便在暗荒诞层出不穷的今日,我们依旧在渴望极权改良从良,在呼吁民众依法维权。可是在更多的基层事故中,我们却看到的是主官护短墨吏嚣张,民如草芥含恨忍辱——这样的世道循环,我们还怎敢相信这就是那些无耻倡优天天讴歌的“新社会”,怎敢相信这就是时刻蛊惑要带着人民走进的一个“新时代”。

    三

    民女抗暴事件所揭示的深层问题是这个国家的虚伪。色情业是政府一向宣称在我国并不允许且不存在的行当,可是上到京城下到乡镇,秦楼楚馆几乎和政府衙门一样普遍。红袖与红旗齐飞,警局共春宫一色——这是尽人皆知的现象。可是各级政府既无心真正取缔,也不敢立法管理,于是,给警匪红两道留下巨大的腐败和罪恶空间,给公共健康和社会秩序带来巨大的隐患。

    以洗浴城、夜总会等等名目广泛经营的色情业,并非我的故乡赫然存在;走遍祖国万里河山,何处不曾红黄夹杂?何处的官吏不是主要消费者?——更多的已成了点名索要未成年的特殊顾客了。我可以说,几乎没有一个地方的警局,不知道他们辖下的色情业所在。也几乎没有一个色情场所,不按时翻倍地向派出所缴纳“治安费”。正是这样的上下默契,构成了今日中国的“河蟹盛世”。也正是这样明目张胆地治安保护,才形成了官员有恃无恐的粗暴淫邪,甚至敢斗胆逼良为娼。

    野三关洗浴城只是因为命案的发生,才不得不面对这样的揭露。可是在命案和色情业之外,当局还会深入了解一下它若干年来的生存秘诀吗?在那个深山古镇,平民百姓岂会成为它的恩客。没有相当的人物撑腰,它又何敢艳帜招摇在国道一侧而至今不衰。

    既要开妓楼,还要树牌坊——正是这样的一种制度性虚伪,才使得我的淳朴故乡和这个藏污纳垢的时代一起沦陷,使得无数平民儿女要在这些权贵销金窟里饱受歧视蹂躏和迫害。他们要么成为含羞忍辱的性奴,要么被逼成血刃三寸的“罪犯”。
 
    四

    邓贵大不过微末小吏也,也许在日常生活中真如他夫人所言,原本是一个老实平和兢兢业业的党的干员——就算是这样的一个底层吏员,都能在自己的辖区内张狂如此,可见这个制度是怎样的驱良为恶,怎样在纵容和释放着人性中的卑残。明明可以开放言禁报禁,就能监督官风,沟通民情,但是主政者就是要背道而驰;其中的秘密,又岂是为了保护邓贵大之流。

    在今日被广泛诟病的巴东县两府,难道会真正不知道邓玉娇乃被逼无奈情急之下的正当防卫。只是扔出死者邓贵大容易,甚至追诉伤者黄智也不难,但是他们要面临抛弃基层脚脚爪爪的风险——这才是真正的难事。在今日之官场,吏员之间的关系千丝万缕,一个区区墨吏都能牵起一场政潮震荡——这绝非危言耸听。

    稳定之所以在今日还能基本维持,正依赖上下齐心的互相袒护和分封分赏与分赃。倘若前线【基层】一点劣迹即被穷究,那岂不寒了天下爪牙的心。倘若所有的吏员皆不肯卖力牧民,则何来上峰的平安盛宴。于是,我们常常看到,即便是一个偏远山区对中央的抗命,帝京也往往无计可施,最后只好也默许地方的胡作非为——因为在本质上,他们失去地方基层胆大妄为的维持,失去的也必定是他们自己的为所欲为。

    于是,我在我的故乡,悲哀地看见我的土家族女儿,必将走向她的命运。在此刻,万千呼吁化作的只是一声叹息。在今天,祖国对于它的人民的呼声,仿佛20年前一样;仿佛对民意的尊重和妥协,便是对他们恐怖原则的背叛。

    我深知我无法改变我这个陌生的土家族妹妹的命运,就像我无法改变我自己的命运。但是,我如果沉默,就是对我自己祖宗的背叛。于是,我只能默默写下这样一些思考,留给我的故乡的施政者,留给我的故土百姓一起回味——我们该怎样在自己的土地上,做一个自己的主人。仅此而已。仅此而已。

出典:http://puzhiqiang8.blog.sohu.com/117325688.html


実行委員会:六四天安門事件20周年の日本での行動計画

2009-05-25 17:26:15 | Weblog
「六・四」天安門事件二十周年記念イベントのご案内

謹啓、平素は格別のご厚誼にあずかり、厚く御礼を申し上げます。

さて、ほかでもありませんが、1989年6月4日に、中華人民共和国の北京市にある天安門広場に集結していた学生を中心とした一般市民のデモ隊が「人民解放軍」によって武力弾圧されデモ隊が殺害された事件が発生しました。反腐敗と民主化を求める数多く学生達や市民達が、中国共産党一党独裁政権による、大量虐殺されました。

「六・四」天安門事件二十周年の節目になった今年3月の中国「人民代表大会」と「政治協商大会」(日本の国会にあたる)期間に、中共政府のスボークスマンである趙啓正氏が、記者会見の時に、海外メディアの「六・四」天安門事件に関する質問に、中共の「六・四」天安門事件に対する正当性を改めて強調した。昨年12月に世間に知られました«零八憲章»の作者達の一人である劉曉波氏が、まだ拘束されたままである。2008年の北京五輪においても、中国共産党政府が、オリンピック安全の口実で、公然に人権侵害を起こしてきました。中国における環境破壊、少数民族への弾圧、人権弾圧などますます悪くなっているのは現実で有り、無視することができません!

尊い人命が失われたことに対して心から哀悼の意を表すため、そこで、「六・四」天安門事件二十週年記念集会日本実行委員会が下記の通り、車両デモ及び要請記念集会を開催する運びになりましたのでご報告申し上げます、万難を排してご臨場、ご臨席賜りますよう、宜しくお願い申し上げます。





1、車輌によるデモ行進

日 時:2009年5月31日午前10時半集結、11時半に出発

集結場所:東京都豊島区西池袋1-30

JR池袋駅北口 TOMOパーキング

デモコース:

池袋―新宿―表参道―六本木



2、記念集会

日時:2009年6月4日午後18時から

場所:東京芸術劇場5階会議ホール

   〒171-0021

   東京都豊島区西池袋1-8-1

   TEL:03-5391-2111(代)

   FAX:03-5391-2215

交通:JR山手線池袋駅西口から2分



「六・四」天安門事件二十周年記念集会日本実行委員会

TEL:03-5907-5660(林)

FAX:03-5907-5662

携帯:080-6587-8830(王)

天安門事件民間白書(PDF)

2009-05-11 14:17:52 | Weblog

ダウンロードアドレス
http://ping.fm/vj8mU

or

http://www.mediafire.com/download.php?zmyuloynoi4

前言

《“六•四”事件民间白皮书》由“纪念1989年民主运动暨‘六四’惨案20周年活动第一批联络人”发起并由李进进法学博士完成写作,胡平(思想家、哲学和政论作家),严家其(政治学家,前中国社科院政治学所所长),王军涛(美国哥伦比亚大学政治学博士),王丹(美国哈佛大学历史学博士),杨建利(加州伯克利大学数学博士和哈佛大学政治经济学博士),徐文立(中国民主党创始人之一,美国布朗大学资深研究员),陈破空(政论家和作家),王天成(宪法研究专家,前北京大学法律系讲师),以及刘路,易改,张菁参与了讨论或提供了修改意见。支持写作的还有以下组织和个人:

中国宪政协进会
公民力量
关注中国中心
“六四事件”调查委员会
《北京之春》杂志社
纪念胡耀邦赵紫阳基金会
中国民主团结同盟
中国社会民主党
中国民主论坛(纽约)
中国工人自治联合会(纽约)
澳大利亚悉尼中国民主平台
纽约天安门基金会
万润南、王书君、王传忠、王超华、方能达﹑孔天乐、孔灵犀、叶宁、冯海光、吕京花、朱学渊、刘刚、刘念春、刘俊国、羊子(冯素英)、孙立勇、孙延、苏晓康、吾尔开希、李兰菊、杨而玉、李恒清、吴仁华、何军樵、何清涟、沈源、宋书元、张伟国、张伦、陈一咨、陈二幼、陈小平、陈立群、陈奎、武春来、金岩、周义澄(亚衣)、周锋锁、郑义、郑存柱、孟浪、项小吉、袁缤、高文谦、高平、高光俊、唐元隽、陶君、梅凤杰、盛雪、康正果、程晓农、傅申平、傅申奇、储海蓝、曾大军、谢中之、谢选骏、熊炎、潘强、魏泉宝。

这个白皮书是基于现披露出来的官方社论﹑公告和报告,当事人的回忆录和文章,报纸报道以及音像等史料对“六•四”这个重要的历史事件做出的一个完整的政治背景和法律分析的报告。目前中国政府对“六•四”事件没有作出全面的调查和客观的评价,迄今未见类似白皮书之类的调查报告。中国政府长期以来封锁有关“六•四”资料和禁止民间对此事件的调查和讨论。作为民间的力量,我们提出这个民间的白皮书,一方面是对历史的负责,另一方面也是对中国现政府的抗议和挑战。这个报告以白皮书命名,旨在强调它的严谨﹑正式和规范性,以及阅读对象的普遍性。
纪念“六四”事件委员会2009年4月27日


パレスチナ子供のキャンペーン:「ガザの戦争は終わっていない」

2009-05-09 22:57:13 | Weblog
================================================
★映画「ガーダ」上映&ガザ報告会★
 「ガザの戦争は終わっていない」
http://ccpnews.blog57.fc2.com/blog-entry-24.html
================================================

2009年5月23日(土) 
 12:30 開場
 13:00~14:50 映画 「ガーダ・パレスチナの詩」
 15:00~16:00 ガザ最新報告 パレスチナ子どものキャンペーンより

参加費:500円
※ 事前のお申し込みはいりません

会場:常圓寺・祖師堂
    新宿駅西口から徒歩5分。
    青梅街道沿い損保ジャパン向側
http://www.joenji.jp/annai.html


上映するのは、「ガーダ・パレスチナの詩」(古居みずえ監督作品・105分)。
ガザに住むガーダという女性の1993年から2005年にかけての生き様と
ガザの様子を描いたドキュメンタリー。
過酷な状況でも希望を失わないパレスチナ社会がガーダとその周囲の
人々のかかわりを通して描かれ、何度見ても新しい発見がある映画です。
まだご覧になっていない方は必見です。

上映後、パレスチナ子どものキャンペーンから、ガザの最新報告および
子どもの健康診断や心理サポートなど現地支援活動の現状報告をします。

主催・問い合わせ先
**************************************************
特定非営利活動法人 パレスチナ子どものキャンペーン
Tel: 03-3953-1393
Fax: 03-3953-1394 
Email: ccp@bd.mbn.or.jp 
HP: http://ccp-ngo.jp/

タイムズ:中国の核実験後遺症(2)

2009-05-03 10:52:08 | Weblog

“Some of the videos they showed me were of PLA [People’s Liberation Army] soldiers riding on horses - with gas masks over the noses and mouths of both the horses and the soldiers - as they were riding towards the mushroom cloud of an atmospheric surface detonation,” Stillman recalled.

“It was strange because the soldiers had swords raised above their heads as they headed for the radioactive fallout. I have always wondered how many of them survived.”

Stillman was also allowed to see the lengths to which the Chinese scientists had gone to experiment with annihilation in the desert.

Like the Americans, the Chinese placed caged live animals, tanks, planes, vehicles and buildings around test sites. Such were the remains gathered by the men and women of Unit 8302.

“The surprise to me was that they also had a full-scale Beijing subway station with all supporting utilities constructed at an undefined depth directly underneath,” said Stillman.

“There were 10,000 animals and a model of a Yangtze River bridge,” recalled Wu Qian, a scientist.

Li Yi, a woman doctor, added: “Animals placed two kilometres from the blast centre were burnt to cinders and those eight kilometres away died within a few days.”

China had borrowed Soviet blueprints and spied on the West, according to The Nuclear Express, a book by Stillman and Thomas Reed, the former US air force secretary.

It explains how China then exploited its human capital to win technological parity with the US for just 4% of the effort - 45 successful test explosions against more than 1,000 American tests.

“The Chinese nuclear weapon scientists I met . . . were exceptionally brilliant,” Stillman said.

Of China’s top 10 pioneers, two were educated at Edinburgh University - Cheng Kaijia, director of the weapons laboratory, and Peng Huan-wu, designer of the first thermonuclear bomb. Six went to college in the United States, one in France and one in Germany.

For all this array of genius, no Chinese scientist has dared to publish a study of the human toll.

That taboo has been broken by Takada, a physicist at the faculty of medicine at Sapporo University, who is an adviser on radiation hazards to the government of Japan.

He developed a computer simulation model, based on fieldwork at Soviet test sites in Kazakhstan, to calculate that 1.48m people were exposed to contamination during 32 years of Chinese tests.

Takada used internationally recognised radiation dosage measurements to estimate that 190,000 have died of cancer or leukaemia. He believes 35,000 foetuses were deformed or miscarried, with cases found as far away as Makanchi, near the Kazakh border with China.

To put his findings in perspective, Takada said China’s three biggest tests alone generated 4m times more radioactivity than the Chernobyl reactor accident of 1986. He has called the clouds of fallout “an air tsunami”.

Despite the pall of silence inside China, two remarkable proofs of the damage to health have come from official Communist party documents, dated 2007 and available on provincial websites.

One is a request to the health ministry from peasants’ and workers’ delegates in Xinjiang province for a special hospital to be built to cope with large numbers of patients who were “exposed to radiation or who wandered into the test zones by mistake”.

The other records a call by a party delegate named Xingfu for compensation and a study of “the severe situation of radiation sickness” in the county of Xiaobei, outside the oasis town of Dunhuang.

Both claims were rejected. Residents of Xiaobei report an alarming number of cancer deaths and children born with cleft palates, bone deformities and scoliosis, a curvature of the spine.

Specialists at hospitals in three cities along the Silk Road all reported a disproportionate number of cancer and leukaemia cases.

“I have read the Japanese professor’s work on the internet and I think it is credible,” said one. No cancer statistics for the region are made public.

Some memories, though, remain indelible. One man in Dunhuang recalled climbing up a mountain-side to watch a great pillar of dust swirl in from the desert.

“For days we were ordered to keep our windows closed and stay inside,” recounted another middle-aged man. “For months we couldn’t eat vegetables or fruits. Then after a while they didn’t bother with that any more.”

But they did go on testing. And the truth about the toll may never be known unless, one day, a future Chinese government allows pathologists to search for the answers in the cemeteries of the Silk Road.

The dead of Dunhuang lie in a waste ground on the fringe of the desert, at the foot of great dunes where tourists ride on camels. Tombs, cairns and unmarked heaps of earth dot the boundless sands.

By local tradition, the clothes of the deceased are thrown away at their funerals. Dresses, suits and children’s garments lie half-buried by dust around the graves.

“People don’t live long around here,” said a local man who led me to the graveyard. “Fifty, 60 - then they’re gone.”

Additional reporting: Shota Ushio in Tokyo and Imogen Morizet in Washington

出典:http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article6122338.ece
 


タイムズ:中国の核実験後遺症(1)

2009-05-03 10:48:39 | Weblog
From The Sunday Times
April 19, 2009

Revolt stirs among China’s nuclear ghosts
Up to 190,000 may have died as a result of China’s weapons tests: now ailing survivors want compensation

Michael Sheridan
The nuclear test grounds in the wastes of the Gobi desert have fallen silent but veterans of those lonely places are speaking out for the first time about the terrible price exacted by China’s zealous pursuit of the atomic bomb.

They talk of picking up radioactive debris with their bare hands, of sluicing down bombers that had flown through mushroom clouds, of soldiers dying before their time of strange and rare diseases, and children born with mysterious cancers.

These were the men and women of Unit 8023, a special detachment charged with conducting atomic tests at Lop Nur in Xinjiang province, a place of utter desolation and – until now – complete secrecy.

“I was a member of Unit 8023 for 23 years,” said one old soldier in an interview. “My job was to go into the blast zone to retrieve test objects and monitoring equipment after the explosion.

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“When my daughter was born she was diagnosed with a huge tumour on her spinal cord. The doctors blame nuclear fallout. She’s had two major operations and has lived a life of indescribable hardship. And all we get from the government is 130 yuan [£13] a month.”

Hardship and risk counted for little when China was determined to join the nuclear club at any cost.

Soldiers galloped on horseback towards mushroom clouds, with only gas masks for protection.

Scientists jumped for joy, waving their little red books of Maoist thought, while atomic debris boiled in the sky.

Engineers even replicated a full-scale Beijing subway station beneath the sands of the Gobi to test who might survive a Sino-Soviet armageddon.

New research suggests the Chinese nuclear tests from 1964 to 1996 claimed more lives than those of any other nation. Professor Jun Takada, a Japanese physicist, has calculated that up to 1.48m people were exposed to fallout and 190,000 of them may have died from diseases linked to radiation.

“Nuclear sands” - a mixture of dust and fission products - were blown by prevailing winds from Lop Nur towards towns and villages along the ancient Silk Road from China to the West.

The victims included Chinese, Uighur Muslims and Tibetans, who lived in these remote regions. Takada found deformed children as far away as Kazakhstan. No independent scientific study has ever been published inside China.

It is the voices of the Chinese veterans, however, that will reso-nate loudest in a nation proud of its nuclear status but ill informed about the costs. One group has boldly published letters to the state council and the central military commission - the two highest government and military bodies - demanding compensation.

“Most of us are between 50 and 70 and in bad health,” they said. “We did the most hazardous job of all, retrieving debris from the missile tests.

“We were only 10 kilometres [six miles] from the blast. We entered the zone many times with no protective suits, only goggles and gas masks. Afterwards, we just washed ourselves down with plain water.”

A woman veteran of Unit 8023 described in an interview how her hair had fallen out. She had lost weight, suffered chronic insomnia and had episodes of confusion.

“Between 1993 and 1996 the government speeded up the test programme, so I assisted at 10 underground explosions,” she said. “We had to go into the test zone to check highly radioactive instruments. Now I’m too sick to work - will the government help me?”

The price was paid by more than one generation. “My father was in Unit 8023 from 1967 to 1979, when his job was to wash down aircraft that had flown through the mushroom clouds,” said a 37-year-old man.

“I’ve been disabled by chronic immune system diseases all my life and my brother’s daughter was born with a heart defect,” he said. “Our family has spent thousands of yuan on operations over the decades. Two and three generations of our family have such illnesses - was it the nuclear tests? Does our government plan any compensation?”

In fact, the government has already responded to pressure from veterans’ groups. Last year Li Xueju, the minister of civil affairs, let slip that the state had started to pay “subsidies” to nuclear test personnel but gave no details of the amounts.

Such is the legacy of the decision by Chairman Mao Tse-tung, in 1955, to build the bomb in order to make China a great power.

Mao was driven by fear of the US and rivalry with the Soviet Union. He coveted the might that would be bestowed by nuclear weapons on a poor agricultural nation. Celebrations greeted the first test explosion on October 16, 1964.

The scientists staged a total of 46 tests around the Lop Nur site, 1,500 miles west of Beijing. Of these tests, 23 were in the atmosphere, 22 underground and one failed. They included thermonuclear blasts, neutron bombs and an atomic bomb covertly tested for Pakistan on May 26, 1990.

One device, dropped from an aircraft on November 17, 1976, was 320 times more powerful than the bomb that destroyed Hiroshima.

The last explosion in the air was in 1980, but the last underground test was not until July 29, 1996. Later that year, China signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and, once again, only the sigh of the winds could be heard in the desolation of the Gobi desert.

The financial cost remains secret, but the price of the first bomb was roughly equal to more than a third of the entire state budget for 1957 – spending that went on while at least 30m Chinese peasants died of famine and the nuclear scientists themselves lived on hardship rations.

Rare was the outsider who gained a glimpse of this huge project. One was Danny Stillman, director of technical intelligence at Los Alamos, New Mexico, home of America’s nuclear weapons. He made 10 visits to secret Chinese nuclear facilities during a period of detente and information exchange from 1990 to 2001.


石濱裕美子のトークイベント

2009-05-03 09:51:29 | Weblog
昨日5月2日渋谷の映画館で映画『風の馬』とセットでチベット史研究者石濱裕美子のトークイベントがあった。テーマは『ダライ・ラマ法王の五十年』。軽妙な語り口で難しいことをわかりやすく話していた。荻野アンナに似た?お笑い系。
印象に残った点。

肯定的アプローチ
家族も会社も国家も民族もみんな大切だろうけど、人類だって大切でしょ。

全方向からの「正義」の検証
正義正義といっても、特定の誰かにとっての正義は別の側から見れば必ずしも正義でない。ダライラマの追求している正義は全方位での検証に耐えられる正義だ。

非暴力主義(非暴力直接行動主義)の中での位置づけ
考え方としては税の不払いを提唱したソローに始まり、社会運動としてはガンジー、キング牧師、ツツ主教に連なる非暴力主義の流れに位置づけられる。

RFA:日本政府、中国人で2人目の難民を認定

2009-05-01 09:52:21 | Weblog

2002年に中国での迫害を逃れるために日本に渡航し、難民認定を申請していた夏一凡氏が今年4月7日に難民認定された。

彼は日本に来てからも民主中国陣線論壇というBBSの管理人として情報発信に積極的に取り組んできた。

それにしても、89年の天安門事件から20年の間に中国人の難民認定がたったの2人! しかも今回の認定審査には7年もの長時間を要している。認定されるまでは就労制限など様々な制限がある中で、その生活は大変だろう。日本の難民認定制度、改正されたとはいえいまだに非常に閉鎖的で、改善の余地大だ。
中国のように政治難民を生み出してはいないなどと低いレベルで満足していてはならない。低賃金労働者輸入の「研修生」制度では中国当局系列の独占悪徳手配師会社が手数料をぼったくって派遣してくる「研修生」(研修生の大部分は中国人)を大量に受け入れている日本政府は、一方で中国政府に迫害された亡命者の難民認定には極めて消極的である。

日本政府认定“08宪章”签署者难民资格
2009-04-13
日本民主中国阵线11号在东京都內的市政府中心举行招待会,感谢日本法务省7号认定“08宪章”签署者、民主中国阵线 总部理事夏一凡难民资格。民主中国阵线主席费良勇代表海外民运人士,向日本政府表示感谢。自由亚洲电台特约记者南 洲的报导

 

“08宪章” 日本签署者、民主中国阵线总部理事夏一凡4月7号获得日本法务省难民资格认定。他是自日本政府在今年3月份确定了入管难民法修正案后获得难民资格的首位中国人,也是自1989年“六•四天安门事件”至今所知的被日本政府认定的第二位中国难民。

夏一凡2002年因揭发当局建筑腐败问题而遭受政治迫害离开中国大陆来到日本,向东京入管局递交了政治避难的申请。 夏一凡来日前是原广东省汕头保税区总工程师,中国国家一级结构工程师,现任日本民主中国阵线宣传部部长。也是在 日的中国社会问题研究学者。

第一例获得日本政府难民认定的是著名民运人士、前民主中国阵线副主席赵南,因为1989年“六四”天安门事件后在日本建立了支持中国民运的组织民主中国阵线日本分部,而在2001年获得难民资格。

夏一凡在获得难民资格当天向本台表示:“我在天安门事件20周年前获得难民的认定,感到高兴、悲伤和压力。我认为这表明了日本政府对于中共当局的态度和对中国民主化运动的鼓励和支持。

日本民主中国阵线4月11号下午在东京都內的市政府中心举行招待会,感谢日本政府及各界的支持。日本律师和在日民运士、法轮功代表等30多人到会祝贺。民主中国阵线主席费良勇代表海外民运人士致函表示祝贺,并向日本政府表示感谢。 
 
费良勇在致谢函中表示,“日本是亚洲最发达的民主国家。日本有实力推进亚洲特别是中国的民主化。中国的民主化是亚洲和全球民主化的关键,也是中日两国长期和睦相处、共同发展的先决条件。我们殷切期望日本在支持中国的民主化方面发挥日益巨大的作用。”

夏一凡的律师,日本律师协会人权协会前会长83岁的伊藤和夫向本台表示:“夏一凡申请了长达7年的难民资格被认定,我感到高兴,这件事是对各方面的一个肯定。是对坚持信仰的夏一凡和民主中国阵线工作的肯定。”


以上是自由亚洲电台特约记者南洲发自日本东京的报导

出典:http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/yataibaodao/
xianzhang-04132009123036.html

夏一凡の中国民主陣線BBS:
http://fdc-jp.com/bbs/index.php