Martin Facklerその他外国人記者による先日の桜井誠主催デモのツイートがバズっている。これを見た外国人は人種差別と旭日旗を同一視するので、五輪で使用すれば問題になるだろう。それでも桜井らは強行使用するだろうが。バカ右翼のおかげ旭日旗の名誉が傷つけられてしまう。 https://t.co/hU0l2V0ssH
— H.S. Kim (@xcvbnm67890) 2019年9月20日
ネタとしてはちょっと古いが、FBでとりあげられていたので・・
challenge the impossibleといいたかったんだろうね。
TOYOTAのスローガン「Start your impossible」は3つの英単語の列挙だが、決して英語ではない。意味不明。「欠陥商品で、エンジンをスタートすることは出来ない」、と意味するのか? pic.twitter.com/3MIJdx0Tkv
— Robert Geller (@rjgeller) 2018年11月2日
challenge the impossibleといいたかったんだろうね。
buveryさんがリツイート
本当にこれ。その国の言語が不自由なく話せたり国際結婚で家族の一員になったりするとその傾向はより強くなるはず。海外でしがらみがないっていう人はその土地の言語をそこまで話さずコミュニケーションを濃厚に取る必要がない人なんだと私は思ってる。 https://t.co/h4QhUofome
— マユガー (@madamayuge) 2019年9月22日
What is Criminal Negligence?
Criminal negligence is different from civil negligence in that it involves more extreme behavior or actions.
Also, civil negligence cases involve a lesser “burden of proof” compared to criminal negligence cases.
In other words, criminal negligence cases involve higher "budren of proof"
Actual and Proximate Cause
In other words, the plaintiff will have to show that the injuries were the natural and direct consequence of the proximate cause, without which the injuries would not have occurred.
反原発運動」に利用された東京電力刑事裁判
2019年09月21日 06:01
加藤 成一
For a claim in negligence to succeed, it is necessary to establish that
1) the incident was foreseeable based on the concrete evidence.
2) the incident would have been avoided if the appropriate measures had been taken.
判決は3人が接した長期評価について「具体的な根拠がなく、専門家から疑問が示され、自治体の防災計画にも反映されないものだった」と指摘。予見可能性を生じさせる情報だったとはいえず、大きな影響を生じさせてまで運転を止める判断をするには相当の困難があったとした。
判決は、3人が10メートルを超す津波の情報に接したのは08年6月~09年2月ごろで、それから浸水対策や高台への施設移転などの工事を始めても東日本大震災までに完了したか明らかでないと指摘
The long-term evaluation of earthquake occurrence the defendants received was not entirely reliable.
Even if they had started the construction to prevent the accident as suggested, it is not necessarily clear that the incident would have been avoided.
東電裁判 “見えた新事実”
2019年9月20日
(JAKE ADELSTEIN)
結婚していない女性二人に子供産ませているのに、炎上しない理由ー金持ちであり、莫大な広告出稿をしているから、たたかれない、と。
ーーーマスコミの沙汰も金次第
The crisis of income inequality in America is well-known, but there is another economic crisis developing much faster and with worse consequences. I’m talking about inequality of wealth. We must address this crisis for the sake of our economy and democracy. pic.twitter.com/Nk4E9tzJ6M
— Robert Reich (@RBReich) 2019年5月13日
via FB
議員が支援者と飲んで歌っている様子のお知らせなんて、ソーシャルメディアでみたくないんよ。
こんくらいわかりやすい政策動画を作ってどんどん流してよ。
企業の内部留保500兆円で史上最大なのに法人税は上げずに消費税上げて国民はニンジンの皮で飢えをしのげって。 https://t.co/ZXTD9Ih75l
— 町山智浩 (@TomoMachi) 2019年9月21日
たしか、むかし、「貧乏人は麦を食え」と言ってた首相がいたな。
september 2019
The Perils of Populist Nationalism
Gi-Wook Shin
ナショナリズム論としても優れている。
ただ、小規模とはいえ、移民の受け入れを推進している安倍を欧州の極右と比べれるのは無理があろう。
結局、日本叩きの裡には華夷秩序に基づく日本に対する根深い民族差別意識があるわけで、韓国朝鮮のこの人種差別意識を今後はもっと訴えていくべき。
The Perils of Populist Nationalism
Gi-Wook Shin
Disputes over historical issues are another candidate. Japan’s colonial rule and its insufficient apologies or compensation for the same are a frequent target of criticism. A careful examination of history, however, reveals that China invaded the Korean Peninsula far more often than Japan. Moreover, the Korean Peninsula may have been unified if China had not intervened in the Korean War. The catastrophic human cost of 3 million casualties could also have been avoided. It is puzzling
that South Koreans—who denounce Japan’s past history—do not apply the same standard to China.
This arises from the unique psychological attitude among Koreans toward China and Japan. Simply put, the origins of this attitude can be found in Korean nationalist sentiment, which was formed amidst the rise of modern Japan and Japanese colonial rule over Korea. Korea had recognized
Chinese hegemony over Northeast Asia, even adopting an attitude of sadae (submission to greater powers) in bilateral relations. By contrast, there was resistance toward recognizing Japan in the same way when it became a regional power in the modern era. This only intensified after Japan, which Koreans had regarded as a lesser power, annexed and colonized Korea. The gap between this perception and reality developed into a psychological complex. It is this factor that underlies the intense reaction toward Japan’s economic retaliation and the lack of a similar response in the face of similar actions by China
Opposing Japan has been a powerful political weapon for both North and South Korea, which also explains the excesses of nationalism during the era of division on the peninsula.
Nationalism has historically been an ideology of the right. The left criticized nationalism as an invention of the bourgeoisie. On the Korean Peninsula, however, nationalism is deeply ingrained in both Koreas and both the political left and right. One need not look any further than the current wave of anti-Japanese sentiment in South Korea, which is being led by the left. The right, anxious about being branded as traitors or collaborators, is reluctantly joining in the anti-Japanese struggle.China was accepted as a great power,but the Japanese were belittled with epithets like waegu or waenom.
The concept of ressentiment provides valuable insight into the current conflict between South Korea and Japan. Koreans possessed a conscious and subconscious sense of superiority toward Japan, just as Germany did toward the United Kingdom and France.
Consider, for example, the dispute over historical issues. Japan’s attitude is clearly problematic. ,,,,, no amount of apology by Japan will be truly regarded as sincere by Koreans. Most Koreans believe that Japan has not apologized for its past actions. Deep down, Koreans wish to deny the fact that Japan has ever apologized because its attitude was never sincere. This will not change until the day that South Korea
becomes more powerful than Japan
Nationalism can be the basis for anti-imperialist, anti-colonial movements,and it can also provide the psychological impetus for modernization among developing countries. In Korea, nationalism was the ideological foundation of both the struggle against Japanese colonial rule and economic modernization under Park Chung-hee.On the other hand, nationalism can also underlie imperialist or fascist ideology in autocratic regimes. Both North and South Korea aggressively used nationalism to build and consolidate authoritarian rule.
Two factors created an environment in which nationalism fused with chauvinism and populism: worsening economic inequality due to neoliberal globalization, and efforts to advance the rights and interests of minorities and immigrants. The former fueled chauvinism on the left, while the latter did so on the right. In South America, where left-wing populism is widespread, governments are stoking public sentiment by blaming the neoliberal economic order for economic collapse. In Europe and the United States, where right-wing chauvinism is on the rise, minorities and immigrants have become the political scapegoat
Inciting anti-Japanese sentiment with references to “Admiral Yi Sun-shin’s twelve ships” and the National Debt Repayment Movement of 1907, and by calling for a boycott of Japanese products is the very archetype of nationalistic or chauvinistic populism. By bringing this misguided patriotism to the fore, the Moon administration has avoided taking responsibility for ongoing economic difficulties and its neglect of bilateral relations with Japan.
By asserting the binary distinction of “pro- or anti-Japanese” and “patriots or traitors” and thus maximizing anti-Japanese sentiment, the Moon administration avoided taking the blame for its diplomatic misstep. There is no political weapon more effective than anti-Japanese sentiment.
As expected, approval ratings for President Moon and the ruling party skyrocketed.
The history of colonial rule and division has led to an excess of nationalism and a dearth of liberalism on the Korean Peninsula. Both North and South Korea, as well as the political left and the right, have unduly relied on nationalism instead of looking to liberalism
What would Popper make of South Korean society today?
He might have to revise his typology of the enemies of an open society. In South Korea, the enemy of open society is left-wing chauvinism, not right-wing fascism or left-wingMarxism
ナショナリズム論としても優れている。
ただ、小規模とはいえ、移民の受け入れを推進している安倍を欧州の極右と比べれるのは無理があろう。
結局、日本叩きの裡には華夷秩序に基づく日本に対する根深い民族差別意識があるわけで、韓国朝鮮のこの人種差別意識を今後はもっと訴えていくべき。