第4次安倍再改造内閣が発足…改憲へ「議論を力強く推進」
2019/09/11
女性の大臣が少ないねえ。松井るいさんとか、他にいっぱいいるんじゃないの、適任者は?
女性が輝くなんとか、とかいってたじゃん?
実行を伴わない言うだけ番長だなああ。
2019/09/11
女性の大臣が少ないねえ。松井るいさんとか、他にいっぱいいるんじゃないの、適任者は?
女性が輝くなんとか、とかいってたじゃん?
実行を伴わない言うだけ番長だなああ。
この文脈からは日韓双方に対する警告が込められているようでもあるが、GSOMIA破棄に対し「これはひどい(poor)外交、ひどい国家安保決定だ」と語っている点からして、韓国への失望がより大きいと言える。
This is poor diplomacy poor national security decision and this is driven only by domestic politics in both Seoul and Tokyo.
相手がこう居直っている以上、スターリンが千島を奪う「根拠」とした「ヤルタ協定」が、「領土不拡大」という戦後処理の大原則に背くものだったことを正面から批判し、是正を求める立場に立たねば一歩も進まない。「ウラジーミル」といくら叫んでも無駄だ。https://t.co/X7SR0hYQZn
— 志位和夫 (@shiikazuo) 2019年9月7日
AUGUST 14, 1941
The President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill, representing His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, being met together, deem it right to make known certain common principles in the national policies of their respective countries on which they base their hopes for a better future for the world.
First, their countries seek no aggrandizement, territorial or other;
The Three Great Allies are fighting this war to restrain and punish the aggression of Japan. They covet no gain for themselves and have no thought of territorial expansion. It is their purpose that Japan shall be stripped of all the islands in the Pacific which she has seized or occupied since the beginning of the first World War in 1914, and that all the
WRITTEN BY: The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica
See Article History
Yalta Conferen
Regarding the Far East, a secret protocol stipulated that, in return for the Soviet Union’s entering the war against Japan within “two or three months” after Germany’s surrender, the U.S.S.R. would obtain from Japan the Kuril Islands and regain the territory lost in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–05 (including the southern part of Sakhalin Island), and the status quo in pro-Soviet Outer Mongolia would be maintained.
韓国政府が今度はIOCに旭日旗を禁止せよと要求。韓国は友好国でないと公式に表明した国であり、あらゆる機会を使って日本の地位をおとしめようとする政治的敵国である、と子供に教えるべきだと思うよ。そういう知識がないと、なぜ狂気な政府ができるのか理解できないだろう。https://t.co/3CssfigwXV
— buvery (@buvery) 2019年9月11日
『反省のない国家、日本を打倒せよ』という横断幕が町中に張り巡らしてある、そのドギツさに傷ついた韓国人が日本人の私に過剰に優しくしてくれるのだ、という頭がお花畑な人。あなたも打倒対象なんだよ。 https://t.co/GNntlwkehk
— buvery (@buvery) 2019年9月11日
「日本打倒」の横断幕が並ぶ街
それとは別のことに気づいたのは、食事の後で光州市の中心地を歩いた時だった。メインストリートの両側にかかげられた、たくさんの横断幕。よく見ると、そのほとんど全てが日本批判だった。
「反省も謝罪もない不良国家日本打倒!」「日本の経済侵略に対抗して、学生に植民地支配を教える授業をします」「NO ボイコットジャパン 歴史歪曲、経済侵略、韓半島の平和妨害 安倍政権と賦役者自由韓国党は地球から出ていけ」「歴史歪曲、平和妨害、経済報復 日本アウト! 植民支配 精算しよう」「ボイコットジャパン 行きません 買いません 歴史的真実を否定する日本打倒!」
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‥ この件、韓国政府は、「自分のほうが勝った」と主張しているのらしい。
しかし、結果として対日関税の是正を求められるなら、「勝った」という主張は、おかしくないか。
“We may have to accept that they are a nuclear-weapons state but exert enough influence to lower the danger they represent,” Mr. McLaughlin said. “Not sure we would be able to stomach that. But it may be reality.”
Americans may be searching for a new way to make sense of the world. But the 2019 Chicago Council Survey demonstrates that retreating from the world, abdicating international leadership, and abandoning alliances and global institutions is not what the American public has in mind.
The region’s issues and the range of deployed weapons systems in China and North Korea will ensure that Taiwan and Japan are drawn into any conflict that comes to Korea
The anti-liberal moment https://t.co/6NN02ZYIS5 @voxdotcomさんから
— mozu (@mozumozumozu) 2019年9月10日
In the context of political philosophy, liberalism refers to a school of thought that takes freedom, consent, and autonomy as foundational moral values. Liberals agree that it is generally wrong to coerce people, to seize control of their bodies or force them to act against their will (though they disagree among themselves on many, many whys and hows of the matter).
Given that people will always disagree about politics, liberalism’s core aim is to create a generally acceptable mechanism for settling political disputes without undue coercion — to give everyone a say in government through fair procedures, so that citizens consent to the state’s authority even when they disagree with its decisions.
Those on the left argue that liberalism’s failures were eminently predictable, the inevitable product of contradictions within liberalism long identified by critics in the Marxist tradition — that between the liberal commitment to egalitarian democracy and a vision of the market as a zone of individual freedom.
“Here is what we need to understand: a hell of a lot of people are in pain. Under neoliberal policies of deregulation, privatisation, austerity and corporate trade, their living standards have declined precipitously,” leftist author Naomi Klein writes in the Guardian.
Liberalism’s core error, in this view, comes from a mistake in its vision of democracy. Liberals support democracy as a matter of principle, believing that individuals have a right to shape decisions that affect their lives in deep and important ways. But liberals curiously excludes parts of economic life from this zone of collective self-determination, seeing the market as a place where people have individual but not collective rights. Liberalism sees nothing wrong with the heads of Amazon and Facebook making decisions that have implications for the entire economy.
So long as capitalists are free from democratic constraint, leftists argue, liberal democracy is on dangerous footing. The super-rich use the power their accumulated wealth provides to influence political life, rearranging policy to protect and expand their fortunes.
“In describing my own political trajectory, I often talk about my parents’ liberal politics, and my own journey of discovery, through which I concluded that their liberal ideals couldn’t be achieved by liberal means, but required something more radical, and more Marxist,” Frase writes. “That’s what I’d call socialism, or even communism, which for me is the ultimate horizon.”
Actual people are embedded inside social relations and identities — most notably, family, faith, and community — without which they lack meaning and purpose. Liberalism elevates the will of the individual at the expense of these pre-political bonds.
“For decades now our politics and culture have been dominated by a particular philosophy of freedom,” Hawley writes in an essay published by Christianity Today. “It is a philosophy of liberation from family and tradition, of escape from God and community, a philosophy of self-creation and unrestricted, unfettered free choice.”
The pursuit of profit erodes social ties, creating incentives for people to pursue their self-interest rather than build families or embed themselves in communities
“The political project of liberalism is shaping us into...increasingly separate, autonomous, non-relational selves replete with rights and defined by our liberty, but insecure, powerless, afraid, and alone,” Deneen, probably the sharpest of these conservative anti-liberals, writes in his book Why Liberalism Failed.
Liberalism can only truly tolerate belief systems that cohere with its vision of freedom, and will actively attempt to stamp out worldviews that it concludes are hostile to that ideal. In the right anti-liberal imaginary, liberal tolerance is fundamentally intolerant.
Hence attempts to force Hobby Lobby’s insurance to cover birth control and Christian bakers to make cakes for gay weddings
So if liberalism is a mortal threat to the West, what’s the right-wing alternative?
There are, broadly speaking, two schools of thought: localism and nationalism.
So if liberalism is a mortal threat to the West, what’s the right-wing alternative?
There are, broadly speaking, two schools of thought: localism and nationalism.
The first of these unsatisfying arguments, which I associate most closely with Harvard psychologist Steven Pinker, is that the narrative of a world in crisis is simply wrong. On every conceivable metric, the world is getting better — extreme poverty is declining, life expectancy is going up, deaths from war and violence are on the decline. If things are generally doing well, where’s the need for radical change?
But most fundamentally, liberalism’s defenders need to meet people where they are. And Pinker’s metrics notwithstanding, a lot of people really feel like the political status quo is failing them. The illiberals are explaining why that is; liberals are trying to talk them out of it. This won’t work, no matter how many statistics on infant mortality in sub-Saharan Africa liberals marshal.
The second unsatisfying liberal argument is that liberalism may not be perfect, but it has a long history of repairing itself.
But saying that liberalism can repair itself isn’t the same thing as explaining how it can do so right now. The victory of the suffragettes is cold comfort for women fighting for equal pay; claiming that liberalism abolished Jim Crow does nothing to tell us how it will fix the new Jim Crow.
The third and final unsatisfying liberal response, the one that frustrates me the most, is lashing out at the wrong enemies.
The obsessive focus on a handful of overeager college organizers and professors is a mistake; it obscures the undeniable fact that organization around group identity has helped create a number of vital political movements that are defending liberalism’s central component parts.
Think about the Movement for Black Lives, dedicated to liberal ideals of equal citizenship and non-coercion. Think about the fact that roughly 4 million Americans around the country turned out for the 2017 Women’s Marches, using a call for women’s equality as means of organizing against Trump’s threat to American democracy more broadly.
Think about the #MeToo movement’s role in fighting back against a pervasive source of unfreedom and inequality. Think about the backlash to Trump’s travel ban and family separations, how young people around the world are using their generational identity to mobilize around climate change, and how laws aimed at repressing minority voters have become a rallying cry for the defense of free and fair elections.