As readers know, I was the first person in the world to point out on the Internet, the most outstanding library in human history, that it was Kan Naoto who turned 福島 into Fukushima.
Rui Abiru is not just a junior colleague of Masayuki Takayama but also one of Japan's best journalists as a working reporter.
His article in the April 2019 issue of Sound Argument, a monthly magazine, perfectly proves that my point was 100% correct.
It is a paper that every Japanese citizen should be deeply impressed to read.
A friend of mine, who is one of the most well-read people in Japan, was angry that the reporters who were in charge of the Prime Minister's office and Mr. Abiru did not inform the public about the actual situation of Naoto Kan.
I want to publish this article every day.
Subscribers to the Asahi Shimbun will remember that Hiroshi Hoshi, a leading figure in the paper at the time, repeatedly wrote articles praising Naoto Kan's wife in large print.
At the time, I thought, "Is this Hoshi Hiroshi Dōkyō? I was appalled.
I had been in the hospital for eight months, suffering from the same serious illness as Rikako Ike'e, and had come out several times to freshen up.
I went to Jingo-Ji Temple, the first temple in Kyoto where Kukai was allowed to live.
Even for a strong and healthy person, the stairs here are hard on the body. I said to my friend, "They make us walk on such a terrible path and charge us a fee to visit the temple... They should build an elevator..." But after visiting the temple many times, I came to feel that it was indeed a temple related to Kukai.
I started going to the hill at the back, where most tourists don't go. There is no Kiyomaro's grave there. Jingo-Ji was Wake no Kiyomaro's temple.
One day, I was standing in front of his grave, praying for his soul and expressing my gratitude to him.
I was surprised when I felt someone's presence and turned around.
I turned around and was surprised to see a deer with a magnificent figure staring at me.
I said, "Oh, (you are Wake no Kiyomaro)," and as I walked over to him, he ran down the very steep slope in a flash.
I, Rui Abiru, and Masayuki Takayama are Wake no Kiyomaro, living in the present for Japan.
The aftermath of the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami caused by an incompetent government
～The Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan is the Ghost of the Kan Cabinet
"The most significant suffering during the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) administration, and the one for which I am most sorry, was the nuclear accident. Couldn't we have handled it better? We have a lot to regret. But at the same time, the LDP government before that was also responsible."
Former Deputy Prime Minister Katsuya Okada, a member of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (Rikken DPJ), responded to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's description of the "nightmarish Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) administration" at the LDP convention on February 12, 2011, at the Budget Committee of the House of Representatives.
Mr. Okada was the Secretary-General of the Democratic Party of Japan when the aftermath of the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami struck on March 11, 2011.
It is good that he looked back at that time and admitted that there were some shortcomings.
However, this is still insufficient reflection.
At the time of the earthquake, I was stationed at the prime minister's residence as a captain of the Sankei Shimbun.
The Kan cabinet's response to the disaster, which I witnessed and reported on myself and received reports from my colleagues, was a nightmare in itself.
He is not trusting others and getting angry.
It is not a past I would like to remember, but I would like to look back on that time as a lesson in the terrible consequences of failing to choose the right national leader.
At the time of the aftermath of the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami, the most significant national crisis in the post-war era, Naoto Kan did not understand the gravity of the situation or the order of priority, was paranoid, and did not trust his subordinate bureaucrats, repeatedly gave performances to gain popularity, and blamed everyone around him while wincing and crying.
Not only did Japan's chief executive fail to function, but he also became a hindrance to the recovery and reconstruction efforts and an obstacle to the ruling and opposition parties working together to confront the national crisis.
At the time, I heard one of the prime minister's secretaries say with a heavy heart, "Usually, when a disaster of this magnitude occurs, the prime minister and his secretaries would be in a state of alteregoism, but on the contrary, after the disaster, the distance between the prime minister and his secretaries became even more significant.
Kan yelled at them so senselessly that the secretaries whispered to each other as they passed each other, referring to radiation exposure.
"Today, I was exposed to 40 millisieverts of radiation."
Mr. Kan did not trust others and interfered in every technical detail of the measures taken to deal with the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant accident.
In the end, he resented and dismissed any advice or suggestion that was beyond his understanding.
Support for disaster victims was also delayed.
The fact that the Great East Japan Earthquake occurred during Kan's tenure is often compared to the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake that occurred when he was Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama of the Socialist Party.
Some people, such as Haruki Madarame, former head of the Nuclear Safety Commission, who was shouted down by Kan, have come to believe that God must have punished him for having such a person as prime minister.
However, a bureaucrat who worked on the disaster response under both the Murayama and Kan cabinets says the two men are very different.
Murayama knew that he was incompetent and said, 'Leave everything to me. Murayama knew he was incompetent and said, 'Leave everything to me, and I will take responsibility. Kan, on the other hand, refused to admit his incompetence and said, 'Do everything only after you convince me. If you fail, it's your fault.
In terms of personality, insight, political power, and self-awareness, Kan is completely unqualified to be the prime minister.
What was particularly problematic in Kan's response to the disaster was the delay in providing aid to the victims, which has not been pointed out so far.
A source with knowledge of the situation at the Prime Minister's Office Crisis Management Center at the time testified, "Kan's crazy approach to the nuclear power plant was a major problem.
The prime minister's crazy obsession with nuclear power delayed the relief effort by 10 days. He didn't issue any instructions to the National Police Agency or the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, and didn't move them at all.
On this point, I also heard this terrible story from a bureaucrat at the Agency for Natural Resources and Energy.
A week to ten days after the disaster, he suddenly received a phone call on his cell phone from Mr. Kan, whom he had never met.
When he put his ear to the phone to see what was going on, he was suddenly greeted by a shouting voice.
It's your fault, it's your fault.
I assumed that the bureaucrat was calling to tell us to do something about the shortage of gasoline in the disaster area, but he was not in charge of the department or anything.
But he wasn't in charge of the department or anything.
He spoke.
Kan-san didn't know which buttons to push in the bureaucracy. And when things didn't go his way, he would say it was bureaucratic sabotage. There was nothing we could do.
At the time, I was deeply impressed by a captain of the Prime Minister's Office of one of the national newspapers who said to me.
When I write the truth about the current situation in the Kan administration, readers don't believe me, saying, 'It can't be that bad.
The common sense and good sense of the people had blinded them from seeing the truth.
Again, it was a "nightmare" without any doubt.
The fact that the media, including the Asahi Shimbun, which was close to Kan, did not report the cruel reality of Kan's life in a straightforward manner also helped the Kan cabinet.
Purification of the Kan Cabinet = Constitutional Democratic Party
Now, the Kan cabinet is making a comeback as the number one opposition party.
The main members of the Rikken DPJ are the same as those of the Kan cabinet, a symbol of failure.
Mr. Kan is now the party's top advisor, Mr. Edano, who was the chief cabinet secretary of the Kan cabinet, is the party's representative, Mr. Tetsuro Fukuyama, who was the deputy chief cabinet secretary, is the party's secretary general, and Mr. Kiyomi Tsujimoto, who was an aide to the prime minister, is the party's national committee chairman.
Prime Minister Abe called the Kan cabinet "an extremely insidious left-wing government" when it was first established, but it can be said that the Rikken DPJ is a more purified version of the Kan cabinet, and that it leans more to the left due to the ease of the opposition.
As evidence of this, the Rikken DPJ formed a unity party with the Social Democratic Party in the Upper House.
It is also expected to join forces with the Communist Party in the summer's upper house elections.
Mr. Edano likes to call himself a conservative, but what kind of conservative would he be if he joined forces with the Social Democratic Party and the Communist Party, both of which claim that the Self-Defense Forces are in violation of the Constitution?
If the Rikken DPJ unites with the Social Democratic Party, it will be nothing but a revival of the former Socialist Party.
If the Rikken Democrats continue to pursue the same policies as the Socialist Party, such as anti-nuclear power, and oppose the government in every way possible, they will not be able to gain the public's expectation or interest, and they will not be able to come back to power.
However, within the Rikken DPJ, which is said to be "Edano's strongest party," there are those who say, "Mr. Edano is the leader of the pack. Edano and his aides are making all the decisions. Edano and his aides are making all the decisions, and there is a widespread belief that Edano is fine with things as they are.
It is true that as the dictator of the first opposition party for all time, it is easy for him to control the party and simply criticize the government and the ruling party.
However, such an opposition party contributes nothing to the national interest.
Japan does not need the ghost of the Kan cabinet, which continues to eat up the taxpayers' money for the Diet members and various allowances.
