「上から目線」という言葉のいやな感じは、「勝ち組・負け組」のいやらしさに通じていて、言葉の原義とは別に、行間の部分で、その言葉を発している人間の人間性を暴露してしまうところにある気がする。つまり、ちっぽけなプライドに拘泥してイライラしている、という……
私が最初にこの言葉を知ったのが小町だったというのが、個人的にはこのRTを象徴してるかもw ＞RT
Their argument is not that South Korea compelled them to work as prostitutes - this is not a case of sexual slavery - but that by instituting a system of official and compulsory check-ups on their sexual health, it was complicit, and facilitated a system which now leaves them in poverty. It also, they say, gave them English lessons and courses in "Western etiquette".
Millionaire Chinese businessman bulldozes run down huts in village where he grew up and builds luxury flats for residents instead... for free
Xiong Shuihua paid for wooden huts he grew up in to be knocked down
Tycoon then spent millions replacing them with luxury flats for residents
He has housed 72 families to repay them for their kindness in his youth
A further 18 families who were particularly kind will be given villas to live in
Elderly and low paid residents will also be given three meals a day for free
Flats constructed in Xiongkeng village in the city of Xinyu, southern China
By JULIAN ROBINSON FOR MAILONLINE
PUBLISHED: 15:47 GMT, 26 November 2014 | UPDATED: 23:54 GMT, 26 November 2014
He said: 'I earned more money than I knew what to do with, and I didn't want to forget my roots.
'I always pay my debts, and wanted to make sure the people who helped me when I was younger and my family were paid back.'
Elderly local Qiong Chu, 75, said: 'I remember his parents. They were kind-hearted people who cared very much for others, and it's great that their son has inherited that kindness.'
Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2850436/Millionaire-Chinese-businessman-bulldozes-run-huts-village-grew-builds-luxury-flats-residents-instead-free.html#ixzz3KKolO67i
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（1/2ページ）【産経前ソウル支局長 在宅起訴】
朴景信氏（藤本欣也撮影）
世界的に見て、名誉毀損（きそん）の事案を刑事事件として処罰することは廃止される方向にある。その中で産経新聞の加藤達也前ソウル支局長が在宅起訴されたのは国際社会では異例の事態だ。
名誉毀損の公判では、問題となっている事柄が虚偽であることを検察側が立証しなければならない。
加藤前支局長の公判の場合、検察側は、朴槿恵大統領がセウォル号沈没事故当日、どこで何をしていたかを明らかにする必要がある。弁護側がそう主張するのは当然で、朴大統領の証人としての出廷を申請することになるのではないか。
韓国にも判例があるが、たとえ、書かれた噂が虚偽であったとしても、書いた本人が真実だと信じるに足る十分な理由があるときには免責される。
加藤前支局長は大手紙、朝鮮日報の記事を引用したわけだが、韓国で影響力のある朝鮮日報までが取り上げた疑惑を伝えることは公益的な報道といえる。朝鮮日報が取り上げたこと自体がニュースだからだ。
ただし朝鮮日報と加藤前支局長の記事には違いがある。朴大統領と鄭ユンフェ氏が会ったということを明示しているか否かだ。
朝鮮日報の記事の場合は、わかる人が読めば、朴大統領と会っていた人物は鄭氏だろうと読めるが、事情を知らない人はそのように読まないかもしれない。
検察側はそこを主張するはずだ。「朝鮮日報は鄭氏が朴大統領と一緒にいたとは書いていないが、被告人（加藤前支局長）はそう書いている」と。
弁護側はこれに対し、噂が真実であると考えるに至った根拠を、朝鮮日報以外にも示す必要があろう。
判決がどうなるかを予測するのは難しい。判事たちがこうした根拠をどう判断するかにかかっている。（談）
Critics accuse South Korean President Park Geun-hye's conservative government of clamping down on journalists in an attempt to control her image
We litter. We are loud. We are fat. We eat standing up. We drive aggressively. We don’t make eye contact. We don’t open doors for people. We rush. We are rude to wait staff in restaurants. We are prone to domestic violence. We are spoiling for a fight. We put our nose into others’ business. We are sanctimonious. We think we won the War of 1812. We manufacture bad cars, brew bad beer and eat flavorless potato chips. We won’t stop waving the flag. We are bad sports, especially during the Olympics. We think we are the center of the universe, and that money entitles us to everything.But the worst of our sins? We brag—nonstop.
These are just a few of the charms of Americans, according to my friends and neighbors just north of the border. It’s been five years since I married a boat builder and moved from New York City to a tiny, briny town on Nova Scotia’s lobster coast, and for five years I have gritted my teeth and smothered my indignation.
I hear these kinds of extempore critiques constantly—in jests and jibes, in casual conversations at the hair salon, the bookstore, the coffee shop, the day-care walkathon. My Nova Scotian friends and neighbors are not at all shy about sharing their observations and opinions with me, even though they know perfectly well that I am the devil that lives among them. They seem to enjoy it, in fact. They get a twinkle in their eye.
Some mornings, reading The New York Times, I feel like the lonely teenager in “Heathers,” and wonder, is Britain our last friend?
2013 wasn’t a good year. Edward Snowden’s revelations about the N.S.A. and its spy games weren’t a hit with Angela Merkel, et al., in Germany. Pakistanis—who once had been so in love with the romance of America that they almost rioted during Jackie Kennedy’s state visit in 1962, jostling to catch a glimpse of her emerald evening dress—were understandably livid about America’s remote-operated drone strikes. (Protestors carried signs that recast Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase “I have a dream” in the image of Obama: “I have a drone.”) In Hungary, President Viktor Orbán—taking a cue from his chum Vladimir Putin—decided that the American model of liberal democracy had failed completely; he encouraged state-controlled media outlets to ratchet up to a rabid pitch their editorial rants against America (an “obese society,” in the words of one prominent Orbán crony, that “marches under the faded flag of liberalism, pitifully”).
Of course, political disapproval is one thing, and cultural scorn is another. Obviously, the former fuels the latter—but, as an American abroad, I experience the culture-hatred as the more unpleasant of the two, because it feels more personal. To paraphrase that exemplar of perky Americanism Sally Field: They hate us. They really hate us!
I can testify that the Canadians I’ve encountered, at least, believe that Canada is better in every way than the U.S.A.—with exceptions granted for the relative price of gasoline and the prevalence of free shipping on Internet shopping down south. Many Canadians even believe that Thanksgiving is originally a Canuck holiday. They sit down to a table laden with turkey and cranberry relish and sweet potatoes, just like we do, on their version of Thanksgiving—held, slyly, in October—but, citing a historical meal of thanks to God held in Newfoundland by the English navigator Martin Frobisher in 1578, they insist that our national tradition is, sub-rosa and in genuine fact, theirs.
But when I am venting to my husband again in the privacy of our bedroom, I find myself pointing out the contradictory fact that Canadians, by their own accounting, are humble, marvelously generous, modest, community-spirited, self-effacing and well-mannered. Indeed, they will tell you so at the drop of a hat. Canadians are peacekeepers, not warmongers, they say. But best of all? Best of all, Canadians—according to themselves—never brag.
Am I the only one who finds this humorous? I mean, in Canada, flag-waving competes with hockey as the national sport … while, ironically, the Americans I know don’t go around waving the red, white and blue. It isn’t done. Patriotism isn’t fashionable.
Most Americans would be embarrassed to do that. On the contrary, they are usually only too eager to tell you what is terrible about the United States.
"If you look at the history of immigration in this country, each successive wave there have been periods where the folks who were already here have said, 'Well I don't want those folks,'" he said. "Even though the only people who have the right to say that are some Native Americans."
安田は、恋人の家に外泊したために、強制帰国させられそうになった例をあげているが、彼女が会社と交わした契約では、恋愛や妊娠（や携帯電話を持つこと）は禁止であり、強制帰国させられるのだ。転職（職場移動）の自由がなく、強制帰国の例が後を絶たず、正常な労使関係が存在せず、支配・服従の関係が横行する制度がまかり通っている。
実習生たちの労働問題に取り組むある団体の責任者は、ワシントンで国務省の幹部から「実習制度は廃止すべきだ。米国の基準であれば、あれは人身売買以外の何物でもない」と言われた。
外国人だから自由も人権も奪われていても気にならない、という社会では、自由や人権も空語でしかないだろう。
Yasuda cites an example of a foreign woman who was almost deported for camping out one night at her boyfriend’s place.
Under her contract with the company where she worked, she was forbidden to have a romantic relationship, become pregnant or even own a cellphone. Any violation would result in deportation.
With no freedom to change jobs, many foreigners end up being deported. Under the Technical Intern Training Program, a master-servant relationship is the norm, in the absence of an ordinary labor-management relationship.
An activist advocating the rights of foreign technical interns was told by a senior U.S. State Department official in Washington that the program, which is nothing but human trafficking by U.S. standards, should be abolished.
In a society where nobody cares if the rights and freedoms of foreigners are violated, freedom and human rights are no more than empty words.
The mostly Sunni Arab population of western and northern Iraq is faced with a diabolical choice between the brutal rule of IS and the even more murderous rule of their own government. Their life and death predicament is the direct result of past and present U.S. policy in Iraq.
In 2004, the U.S. responded to resistance in Iraq with a "divide and rule" strategy that relied heavily on recruiting, training and deploying Special Police commandos to detain, torture and summarily execute tens of thousands of young men and boys in areas that resist the illegal U.S. invasion and occupation of their country. At its peak in 2006, this genocidal campaign delivered over 1,600 corpsesper month to the morgue in Baghdad.
The killing wound down along with U.S. combat operations in 2008, but leaders of the Badr Brigade militiaretained control of the Interior Ministry and their campaign of detention, torture and extrajudicial execution continued, albeit on a smaller scale. As Iraq's political crisis has exploded in the last year or two, the Interior Ministry has relaunched its death squads with a vengeance, leaving Iraqis in a large swathe of the country caught between IS and the death squads. After all they have suffered for the past 12 years, it is a rational choice for them to see IS as the lesser evil.
U.S. forces had killed or captured most of the leaders of the Iraqi government, but resistance was still growing. U.S. officials believed the resistance was being led by "mid-level Baath Party members," effectively making the entire Iraqi middle class targets for assassination, from former military officers to academics.
A U.S. official in Baghdad told Hirsch, "The only way we can win is to go unconventional. We're going to have to play their game. Guerrilla versus guerrilla. Terrorism versus terrorism. We've got to scare the Iraqis into submission." A U.S. officer told Newsweek, "The Sunni population is paying no price for the support it is giving the terrorists. From their point of view, it is cost-free. We have to change that equation."
As these officials made clear, and as in previous U.S.-led dirty wars in Latin America and South-East Asia, the purpose of such a campaign is not to precisely identify and kill actual resistance fighters but to target and terrorize the civilian population that supports them. In many parts of Iraq, the occupation became a war against the entire population, characterized by indiscriminate violence, mass arrests, torture, collective punishment, extra-judicial executions and illegal rules of engagement.
These rules included orders to "kill all military-age males" during certain operations; "free fire" or "weapons free" zones; "dead-checking" or killing wounded resistance fighters; standing orders to call in air-strikes in civilian areas, even on apartment buildings full of people; and "360-degree rotational fire" on busy streets. For most of the young Americans carrying out these orders, they were justified by propaganda falsely linking the people of Iraq to terrorist crimes in the U.S. A Zogby Poll in 2006 found that 85% of American troops in Iraq believed that their mission was "to retaliate for Saddam's role in the 9/11 attacks."
In September 2005, the UN Assistance Mission in Iraq published the first of many Human Rights Reports, with more details of atrocities committed by the Special Police. John Pace, the author of the report, left Iraq in February 2006 and gave several interviews, in which he identified Interior Minister Bayan al-Jabr as the commander of the Badr Brigade militia, confirmed that U.S. officials knew about torture in Iraqi prisons and estimated that 80 to 90% of the victims were innocent of any crime, making their plight all the more frightful. Asked to compare the U.S.-led reign of terror with that of Saddam Hussein, Pace replied, "It is certainly as bad. It extends over a much wider section of the population."
Tens of thousands of mostly Sunni Arab men and boys fell victim to the campaign of arbitrary detention, torture and extra-judicial execution, leading ultimately to the ethnic cleansing of Baghdad. The tide of death peaked during the U.S. Operations Together Forward I & II between July and October 2006, with over 1,600 bodies of victims per month delivered to morgues. In April 2006, an Iraqi human rights group, the Organization for Follow-Up and Monitoring, matched thousands of morgue records with reports of arrests and abductions. It found that 92% of the bodies brought to morgues matched the names and descriptions of people who had been detained by Interior Ministry forces.
Violence in Iraq subsided with the gradual withdrawal of U.S. forces between 2008 and 2011. During the Arab Spring in 2011, like people across the Arab world, Iraqis set up protest camps and held demonstrations in public squares. They were met by arrests, beatings, torture, snipers firing from roof-tops and U.S. helicopters flying over to dump garbage on protesters in a square in Mosul.
Ten years of U.S. efforts to impose a brutal military solution on the political crisis in Iraq have only brought more death, destruction and chaos to its people. The 10-year-long genocidal campaign to target Sunni Arabs in Iraq with air strikes and U.S. and Iraqi death squads has killed at least 10% of them and driven millions from their homes. The one thing our leaders have never tried is the very thing they promised the people of Iraq when they illegally invaded their country: a new political order that honors the civil and political rights of all Iraqis, not least the right to life.
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クーリエ・ジャポン
@CourrierJapon
「日本人には、外国文化の真髄を摑み、再解釈し、完璧に作り直すことを尊ぶ精神風土がある。フロリダ大学で日本史を教えているサラ・コヴナーは『日本には道を究める姿勢があります。それは伝統芸術でも、レストランオーナーでも変わりません』と語る」クーリエ・ジャポン１月号より
フォロー
suzuky
@suzuky
この雑誌も当初は外国のリアルな日本観を伝える情報誌だったのに、ビジネス・パーソン・マニュアル誌を経て、いまや日本バンザイ雑誌になりつつあるな。。。
2010-11-03 08:55:46 | Weblog
和辻哲朗 の続日本精神史研究について、
その最初の章において、和辻氏は真正面から日本精神とは何か」をといなおす。するとそこに浮かび上がってくるのは、逆説的にとも言える日本精神のかたちである。すなわちそれは、「おのれを空しゅうして他国文化を受容する態度」であり、「日本的精神を否定するという日本的特性」である。・・・・・ときとすると、おそろしくトンチンカンな外国崇拝となってあらわれることもあるけれども、一面では、それは他国のすぐれた文化に対する「きわめて鋭敏な感受性」としてあらわれ、わが国の文化を含めてきた功績者でもあるのだ、と指摘している。１１６項
