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東アジア共同体 経済連携の強化で環境整備を

2009-09-30 10:14:19 | 英字新聞
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 30, 2009)
Economic cooperation path to community
東アジア共同体 経済連携の強化で環境整備を(9月30日付・読売社説)

Even talk of an "East Asian community" may be getting too far ahead of the reality of the situation.
 「東アジア共同体」という言葉だけが先走ってはいないか。

It is important first to improve the environment for its creation and proceed with the substantiation of the concept through steady efforts to strengthen economic partnerships in the region.
 地道な経済連携の強化を通じて、その環境を整え、具体化を進めていくことが重要だろう。

The foreign ministers of Japan, China and South Korea, at their meeting in Shanghai on Monday, agreed to strengthen their cooperation to create an East Asian community.
 上海で行われた日中韓外相会談は、東アジア共同体の実現に向けて、3か国が協力を強化することで一致した。

Japanese Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada stressed the necessity of promoting regional economic partnerships and building cooperation in individual sectors, such as energy and environmental efforts, under the principle of "open regionalism." Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, who puts an East Asian community at the center of his diplomatic strategies based on the spirit of yu-ai or "fraternity," expressed the same view in a speech at the United Nations during his visit to the United States last week.
 岡田外相は、「開かれた地域主義」の原則の下、域内の経済連携やエネルギー、環境など個別の協力を積み重ねる考えを強調した。共同体構想を「友愛外交」の柱に据える鳩山首相も、訪米時の国連演説で同様の見解を表明した。

"Open regionalism" is based on a concept of regional cooperation that does not exclude specific countries, including the United States. It has been a policy of the Japanese government since former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi touted the creation of an East Asian community in 2002. The Hatoyama administration seems to be following in Koizumi's footsteps.
 「開かれた地域主義」は、米国など特定の国を排除した地域協力にはしない、というものだ。小泉政権が2002年に共同体構想の推進を掲げて以来の日本政府の方針であり、鳩山政権も、これを踏襲するということだろう。

===

Motives questioned

Nevertheless, there still are some in the United States who wonder about Hatoyama's real intention. There is little doubt that such questions are linked to Hatoyama's recent op-ed piece in a U.S. newspaper that criticized U.S.-led globalization and touched on the issue of creating a common Asian currency.
 にもかかわらず、米国には依然、首相の真意を測りかね、疑問を呈する声がある。米紙に掲載された首相の論文で、米国主導のグローバリズムへの批判やアジア共通通貨の発行に踏み込んだことが、その背景にあるのは間違いない。

It would be self-defeating for Japan to take on an active leadership role in promoting the concept of an East Asian community if it negatively influences the Japan-U.S. alliance. Hatoyama and Okada should assuage U.S. worries by sufficiently explaining the intent of the effort.
 日本が積極的に共同体構想の旗振り役を務める結果、日米同盟関係に悪影響を及ぼしては、本末転倒だ。首相と外相は、今後も米側の不安を払拭(ふっしょく)するための説明努力を尽くすべきである。

Discussing the idea of an East Asian community at a summit meeting with Chinese President Hu Jintao in New York last week, Hatoyama cited the example of energy cooperation between Germany and France leading to a wave of integration in Europe.
 首相は先の日中首脳会談で、東アジア共同体について、ドイツとフランスのエネルギー協力が欧州統合の流れにつながったことを引き合いに出した。

However, it is unreasonable to model an East Asian community after the European Union. East Asia is composed of various types of countries whose political frameworks differ from each other. Due to the threat of North Korean nuclear missile attacks and China's mounting military build-up, the security environment in East Asia is not as stable as that of Europe in the post-Cold War era.
 だが、欧州連合(EU)をモデルにするのは無理がある。東アジアは、政治体制の異なる多様な国からなる。北朝鮮の核ミサイルの脅威や中国の軍事的台頭などがあり、冷戦終結後の欧州のような安全保障環境は整っていない。

===

First step

To eventually create an East Asian community, it is appropriate to begin by strengthening regional economic cooperation.
 やはり、域内の経済連携を強化するアプローチが妥当だろう。

But among Japan, China and South Korea, discussion of free trade agreements and investment treaties have not made progress. South Korea has maintained a cautious stance on an FTA out of concern it might increase its trade deficit with Japan, while China also is hesitant about signing an investment treaty for fear of being forced to liberalize its investment regulations.
 ただ、日中韓をみても、自由貿易協定(FTA)や、その前提となる投資協定の話し合いは進んでいない。前者は対日貿易赤字の増大を懸念する韓国が、後者は投資自由化に消極的な中国が、慎重姿勢を崩していないためだ。

Japan's FTA negotiations with India and Australia also have stagnated. South Korea and India, which, along with China, has shown significant economic growth, signed an FTA in August. Japan's delayed start cannot be denied.
 インドや豪州とのFTA交渉も停滞している。特に、中国と並んで発展著しいインドとは、韓国が先月、協定署名にこぎつけ、日本の出遅れは否めない。

In October, a summit meeting among the leaders of Japan, China and South Korea and an East Asia Summit meeting are planned. Hatoyama and Okada should deepen discussions on strengthening economic cooperation in the region in a concrete manner.
 来月には日中韓首脳会談や東アジア首脳会議が予定されている。首相と外相は、具体的な経済連携の協議を深めるべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 30, 2009)
(2009年9月30日01時08分 読売新聞)
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谷垣自民党総裁 解党的出直しの先頭に立て

2009-09-29 09:48:55 | 英字新聞
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 29, 2009)
Tanigaki must initiate LDP's transformation
谷垣自民党総裁 解党的出直しの先頭に立て(9月29日付・読売社説)

Former Finance Minister Sadakazu Tanigaki has been picked as the new president of the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party.
 野党・自民党の新総裁に、谷垣禎一・元財務相が就任した。

The new LDP leader's eventual goal is to regain control of the government. To do so, the LDP must first carry out root-and-branch reform of the party so it can start from the beginning again.
 新総裁の最終的な目標は、政権奪還にある。
 そのためには、まず、党の解党的な出直しが避けられない。

At the same time, the LDP should adopt a cooperative stance by working with the ruling Democratic Party of Japan on important policies concerning matters of national interest and make efforts to realize them, not merely criticize the DPJ-led administration from the standpoint of an opposition party.
同時に、野党として政権を批判するだけでなく、国益に絡む重要政策については、民主党と協議した上で実現するという柔軟な姿勢が求められよう。

Voting and vote-counting for the LDP presidential election were held Monday. Veteran lawmaker Tanigaki beat his two younger contenders--former Senior Vice Justice Minister Taro Kono and former Parliamentary Vice Foreign Minister Yasutoshi Nishimura.
 自民党総裁選が投開票され、ベテランの谷垣氏が、河野太郎・元法務副大臣と西村康稔・前外務政務官の中堅若手候補を下した。

Tanigaki faces a heavy responsibility in bringing about the rebirth of the LDP after its crushing defeat in the recent House of Representatives election.
 谷垣氏は、先の衆院選惨敗後の自民党の再生に向けて、重い責任を負ったといえる。

Tanigaki's victory likely came as a result of the fact that both LDP Diet lawmakers and rank-and-file party members highly evaluate his experience in important cabinet and party posts, the sense of stability he projects and his mild-mannered personality.
 谷垣氏の勝利は、内閣や党の要職を歴任した経験と安定感、温厚な人柄が、議員、党員の双方から評価された結果とみられる。

Tanigaki asserted that the LDP should take a whole-party approach that he described as "a baseball team determined to win by employing all the players' strengths in a unified manner." Kono dismissed Tanigaki's analogy, severely criticizing the party's factional politics, but his harsh approach--demanding the expulsion of faction leaders--won little understanding.
 河野氏は、谷垣氏が主張した挙党一致の「全員野球」を否定し、派閥政治を手厳しく批判した。だが、派閥領袖の退場を求めるなど性急な「排除」の論理は、多くの理解を得られなかった。

===

LDP should take fight to DPJ

The Diet is the main battlefield of an opposition party.
 野党の主戦場は国会にある。

Tanigaki has stressed that the LDP must ensure the ruling parties fulfill their responsibilities, and that it must come up with well-conceived policies and not lose heart. At the same time, he said the LDP will have no future if it merely finds fault with the ruling parties.
 谷垣氏は、「錬磨した政策で与党を厳しく追及する。気迫を失ってはいけない」と強調してきた。同時に「あら探しで終わるようではだめだ」とも言っている。

Tanigaki is right. The LDP should trade verbal blows toe-to-toe with the ruling parties on tax and financial issues, including on the issues of a hike in the consumption tax and national security. The party should also highlight contradictions in the DPJ's policies and present responsible counterproposals.
 その通りだろう。消費税率引き上げなど税財政や安全保障で正面から論戦を挑む。民主党の政策の矛盾点をあぶり出す一方、責任ある対案をあわせて提示する。

If LDP lawmakers, young and old alike, question ruling party members in Diet deliberations from such a point of view, the party will recover its vitality. Tanigaki himself should take the lead in setting a good example in Diet deliberations, including party leader debates with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama.
 そんな観点から「老壮青」の自民党議員が質問に立つことは、党の活力を引き出すことにつながるのではないか。谷垣総裁も、鳩山首相との党首討論をはじめ国会論戦で、範を示すべきだ。

Reconstructing the party will be no easy task. Personnel management and national elections, including the House of Councillors election to be held next summer, will be the first hurdles for Tanigaki.
 党の再建は容易ではない。党人事や来夏の参院選をはじめとした国政選挙が最初の関門になる。

===

Winning urban vote key

The fact that Kono and Nishimura, who both asserted the necessity for a generational change in the presidential election, gained a measure of support may signify a desire within the party for a drastic change in the system of allocating party executive posts. To give the party's top echelon a makeover, young and middle-aged lawmakers should be appointed to senior posts.
 総裁選で、世代交代を訴えた河野、西村両氏が一定の支持を得たことは、党役員の大幅刷新を求める党内世論の表れともいえよう。若手・中堅の積極的登用など清新な布陣が必要だ。

In the next upper house election, the LDP must entrust the party leadership with decision-making power and rethink its strategies, including on candidate selection.
 参院選では、党執行部に権限を集中させ、候補者も含め戦略を練り直すことが迫られそうだ。

As for the LDP's election strategy, if the party focuses on the rural vote, its prospects will remain dim. The important thing is for it to come up with policies that strike a chord with urban residents in the prime of life. It is indispensable for the LDP to present a clear vision to counter the DPJ's, such as its own growth strategy and a new model for the ideal shape of the nation.
 選挙対策も、地方を重視するだけでは、展望は開けない。大事なのは、都市部の働き盛りの世代などから共感を得られる政策を打ち出すことだろう。成長戦略や新たな国家像の提示など、民主党との明確な対抗軸も欠かせない。

Convincing voters that the LDP has changed would be a step toward a return to power.
 自民党は変わった、と有権者に受け止めてもらう。それが政権復帰に向けての第一歩になる。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 29, 2009)
(2009年9月29日01時04分 読売新聞)
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敬老の日 安心できる超高齢社会に

2009-09-21 06:57:06 | 英字新聞
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 21, 2009)
Assuage people's fears over hyper-aging society
敬老の日 安心できる超高齢社会に(9月21日付・読売社説)

Respect-for-the-Aged Day falls Monday, a few days after the administration of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama took office.
 鳩山政権が発足して間もないきょう、敬老の日を迎えた。

This nation is aging faster than any other in the world.
日本の高齢化は、世界に類を見ないスピードで進行している。

In 1966, when Respect-for-the-Aged Day became a national holiday, the average life span of Japanese males was 68 and that of females 73. Currently, men live an average of 79 years and women 86 years, and life spans are bound to continue to lengthen. We live in an era in which about 1.3 million, or one in 100, of the nation's population are aged 90 or older.
 敬老の日が祝日となった1966年、日本人の平均寿命は男が68歳、女は73歳だった。それが今では男79歳、女86歳となり、年々延び続けている。100人に1人、約130万人が90歳以上という時代である。

Of course, graying itself is not something to feel anxious about. It is gratifying that many people live long.
 無論、高齢化それ自体は憂うべきものではない。多くの人が長寿であるのは喜ばしいことだ。

Nevertheless, our hyper-aging society tends to be described in gloomy terms, no doubt due to concern that the social security system is unsustainable.
 にもかかわらず、超高齢社会が暗いイメージで語られがちなのはなぜか。社会保障制度が十分に対応できていないからだろう。

To dispel such anxieties, the new administration faces a mountain of tasks related to reconstructing and maintaining the pension system and medical and nursing care services, all of which are vital to support elderly people's lives.
 新政権はこの不安を払拭(ふっしょく)するために、老後の生活を支える年金、医療、介護をどう再構築し、維持していくのか。山積する課題に取り組まねばならない。

===

DPJ must make right decision

The first daunting challenge facing the new administration is overhauling the medical insurance system for elderly people.
 まず、直面する難題は高齢者医療である。

At a press conference he gave after assuming his post, Health, Labor and Welfare Minister Akira Nagatsuma reiterated that the medical insurance system for those aged 75 and older would be abolished. He did not say when the current system would be scrapped. As for a system that would replace the existing one, Nagatsuma said it would be designed to reflect realities. This was a pragmatic choice.
 長妻厚生労働相は就任会見で、改めて「後期高齢者医療制度は廃止する」と表明した。ただし廃止時期には触れず、その後については「現状を把握した上で制度設計する」とした。これは現実的な選択と言えよう。

The medical insurance system for those aged 75 and over was crafted to resolve the severe strain that the health insurance system for elderly people had come under. It clarified the burden that working generations must shoulder to pay the medical expenses of those aged 75 and older. It also removed the disparities in premiums that existed within individual prefectures by setting up prefectural-run insurers.
 後期高齢者医療制度は、老人保健制度の行き詰まりを打開する目的で作られた。75歳以上の人の医療費を現役世代がどれだけ負担するかを明確にし、県単位の保険者を作って保険料格差を縮めた。

Although it is true that the current system is flawed and was never explained properly, the emotional backlash over its name--its reference to elderly people aged 75 and older as koki koreisha (late-stage elderly people)--and other elements predominated during discussions over the new system, with the result that it was never discussed in a calm manner.
 新制度には様々な欠陥や説明不足もあったが、呼称などに対する感情的反発が先行し、冷静な議論が行われたとは言い難い。

When the DPJ was an opposition party, it was all right to press the government on the system's defects and parrot the slogan "Abolish the new system immediately and reinstate the old medical insurance system for the elderly."
But since it has become the ruling party and taken over the reins of government, it will not be forgiven if it makes a decision that could invite confusion.
 野党なら政策の欠点だけを追及し、「ただちに廃止して老健制度に戻せ」と唱えればよかったが、政府・与党となったからには、いたずらに混乱を招くだけの選択は許されまい。

===

Have sales tax fund welfare

Weighing up the merits and demerits of the medical insurance system for those aged 75 and older and then reconstructing it would not mean breaking the DPJ's election campaign pledge to abolish the existing system.
 後期高齢者医療制度の利点と欠点を適切に評価し、発展的に再構築することは、「現制度を廃止する」との公約に反しない。
We hope the DPJ formulates a blueprint for the medical insurance system for the elderly calmly and constructively.
冷静かつ建設的に、高齢者医療の将来像を練ってもらいたい。

In doing so, if increases in health insurance premiums and over-the-counter payments by patients are seen to have reached their limit, there is no option but to increase the injection of public money. That is true not only in the case of medical services, but also for pension and nursing care insurance systems.
 その場合、保険料や窓口負担が限界と見るならば、公費の投入を増やすしかない。医療に限らず、年金も介護保険も同様だ。

But can the DPJ fund measures for elderly people without increasing taxes at a time when securing financial resources for other new policies, such as the monthly child-rearing allowance, is in question?
 だが、子ども手当など他の新規施策だけでも財源確保に疑問符がつく中で、増税なしに高齢者施策の財源は見いだせるだろうか。

If the consumption tax is transformed into a social security tax so that financial resources can be properly secured, the government will have more choices in formulating policies for this hyper-aging society. The new administration should make a decision on the medical insurance system for elderly people without delay.
 消費税を社会保障税とし、きちんと財源を確保すれば、超高齢時代の施策は選択肢が広がる。新政権は一日も早く決断すべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 21, 2009)
(2009年9月21日01時12分 読売新聞)
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2009-09-20 13:05:29 | アドセンス

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鳩山外交始動 日米同盟基軸を行動で示せ

2009-09-20 09:10:54 | 英字新聞
Words alone not enough for Japan-U.S. alliance
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 20, 2009)
鳩山外交始動 日米同盟基軸を行動で示せ(9月20日付・読売社説)

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama will leave for the United States on Monday, where he plans to attend a series of international conferences that will discuss such important global issues as climate change, nuclear arms reduction, nuclear nonproliferation, the world economy and international finance.
 鳩山首相があす、米国に向けて出発する。
 今回の訪米では、気候変動、核軍縮・不拡散、国際経済・金融など世界規模の重要課題を討議する国際会議が目白押しだ。

Hatoyama also is scheduled to hold summit meetings with U.S. President Barack Obama as well the leaders of countries including Britain, China, France, India, Russia and South Korea.
 オバマ米大統領をはじめ、中国、韓国、英国、フランス、ロシア、インドなど各国首脳との会談も予定されている。

These planned meetings indicate the keen interest that world leaders have in the diplomatic stance of Hatoyama, who has effected a change in government.
 首脳会談が相次いで行われる背景には、政権交代を実現した鳩山首相の外交姿勢に強い関心が抱かれていることがあろう。

 ◆継続性重視アピールを◆
During the campaign for last month's House of Representatives election, Hatoyama stressed that "continuity is important for diplomacy." During his U.S. visit, we hope he will assert to the world that there will be no fundamental changes in this country's foreign policies following the recent change in power. This means maintaining the Japan-U.S. alliance, respecting the principle of international cooperation and promoting the free trade system.
 首相は選挙中、「外交は継続性が重要だ」と指摘している。日米同盟の堅持、国際協調主義、自由貿易体制の推進といった日本外交の骨格は、政権が交代しても何ら変わらないことを積極的に発信してもらいたい。

===

No room for misinterpretation

It is particularly important for Hatoyama to convey clearly to the United States that the Japan-U.S. alliance will continue to be the axis of this nation's foreign policy.
 中でも重要なのは、日米同盟が引き続き外交の基軸であることを米側に明確に伝えることだ。

A Hatoyama op-ed article carried on the Web site of a U.S. newspaper late last month was seen to criticize U.S.-led globalism, and was thus construed as being "anti-U.S.," stirring controversy in Washington.
 先月末に米紙に掲載された首相の論文は、米国主導のグローバリズムを批判するなど、「反米的」と受け止められ、米国内で波紋を呼んだ。

Hatoyama later said his true opinions were not conveyed accurately.
 首相は、真意が伝わらなかったと釈明している。

It is important for the prime minister to dispel such concern during his U.S. visit by giving a full account of his stance in his own words.
今回の訪米を機会に、自らの口できちんと説明し、米側の懸念を払拭(ふっしょく)することが大事だ。

To this end, Hatoyama also must show that actions speak louder than words. He should, for example, clarify the kind of assistance Japan plans to provide to Afghanistan--a country at the forefront of the "war against terror."
 そのためには、「言葉」だけではなく、具体的に裏付ける「行動」を示さなければなるまい。
 例えば、「テロとの戦い」の最前線国家アフガニスタンに対して日本はどんな支援をするのか。

If Afghanistan once again becomes a haunt for international terrorist organizations, global peace and security could be quickly destabilized.
 アフガンが再び、国際テロ組織の巣窟(そうくつ)と化せば、世界の平和と安全は一気に不安定化する。

During a phone conversation earlier this month, Obama's asked Hatoyama for Japan's help in sweeping militants out of Afghanistan--apparently prompted by the U.S. president's recognition of the dire situation in the war-torn country.
オバマ大統領が今月初めの電話会談で、首相に「アフガンの過激派の掃討」への協力を求めたのも、そんな厳しい認識からだろう。

 ◆問われるアフガン支援◆
If Japan suspends the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean--as the Democratic Party of Japan pledged to do during campaigning for the recent election--the United States would conclude that Japan was withdrawing from the fight against terrorism. This could cause a serious rift in the Japan-U.S. relationship.
 民主党が選挙で公約した通り、日本がインド洋での海上自衛隊の給油活動を中止すれば、「テロとの戦いから離脱した」と受け止められ、日米関係に亀裂が生じる恐れがある。

As an alternative measure, Hatoyama has said he would reinforce civilian activities in Afghanistan. However, Japan has been engaging in a range of activities in the country, including the provision of agricultural assistance and the construction of schools.
 首相は、代わりにアフガン本土での文民活動を強化する考えだが、日本はすでに農業支援や学校建設など様々な活動に取り組んでいる。

Is Hatoyama's plan really a feasible alternative? We believe he should explore the possibility of continuing the refueling mission.
代替策になるのか。
 首相はやはり、給油活動継続の可能性を探るべきだろう。

===

Clarify nuclear stance

The prime minister has stressed his intention to realize a unified Asian currency and build an East Asia community. This has given rise to concerns in the United States that the new Japanese government's diplomatic policy is based on "independence from the United States and better regional relations in Asia."
 首相は、アジア共通通貨の実現や「東アジア共同体」の構築を目指すと強調している。このため、米国内には、「鳩山外交の基本は『脱米入亜』ではないか」と不安視する向きもある。

Up until now Japan's basic stance has been to offer cooperation in specific fields within a given region--such as liberalization of trade and investment and help with environmental measures--but has not engaged in regional cooperation that has excluded certain countries.
 これまでの日本政府の基本姿勢は、域内の貿易投資自由化や環境など個別分野の協力から始め、特定の国を排除する形の地域協力はしない、というものだ。

The prime minister has indicated that he favors this tack. We believe Hatoyama does not want his policy stance to be taken to mean that he undervalues the Japan-U.S. alliance. He should thus make a point of carefully explaining that he has no intention of trying to distance Japan from the United States.
 首相も同様の見解を示しており、日米同盟軽視と受け取られるのは本意ではあるまい。米国離れを志向しているのではないことを、丁寧に説明すべきだろう。

Regarding the issues of nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation, Obama has called for a world free of nuclear weapons.
 核軍縮・不拡散に関し、オバマ大統領は、「核兵器のない世界」を提唱している。

How can the international community pressure North Korea into abandoning its nuclear development program? What steps can be taken to persuade China to reduce the number of its nuclear weapons and disclose information on its military might, such as how many nuclear warheads it presently holds?
 北朝鮮の核開発をどのようにして断念させるか。中国に核弾頭数などの情報を開示させ、核兵器を削減させるにはどうすべきか。

One of the DPJ's manifesto pledges was to realize a nuclear-free Northeast Asia. However, if concrete measures are not thrashed out to tackle this issue, the plan is mere pie in the sky.
 首相が政権公約で示した「北東アジア非核化」構想も、こうした問題への具体的取り組みを欠いては、何の説得力もない。

Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada is scheduled to accompany the prime minister to the United States. During a press conference held after he had taken up his new post, Okada reiterated his desire for the United States to renounce the preemptive use of nuclear arms.
 首相と一緒に訪米する岡田外相は、就任の記者会見で、米国は核の先制不使用を明示すべきだとの持論を改めて示した。

The United States' nuclear umbrella is the only protection Japan has in the face of the threat posed by North Korea's nuclear missiles. In this regard, we believe the idea of renouncing preemptive nuclear attacks neglects the regional security environment, and could seriously harm this nation's peace and security.
 日本にとって、北朝鮮の核ミサイルの脅威に対する唯一の対抗手段は、米国の「核の傘」だ。地域の安保環境を無視した先制不使用論は、日本の平和と安全を著しく害することになる。

Preaching one's own philosophy is fine if you are a member of the opposition bloc. However, as Okada is now this country's foreign minister, stating a view that differs from that of the prime minister creates an impression of confusion within the government and ruins Japan's credibility overseas.
 野党時代なら持論を唱えても問題にはならない。だが、外相として首相と異なる見解を述べれば、政府が混乱している印象を与え、対外的な信用を損ねる。

We urge Hatoyama and Okada to bear in mind Japan's diplomatic policies and discuss carefully--prior to their departure for the United States--the positions they intend to take during the talks with world leaders.
 首相と外相は、これまでの日本外交の基本をしっかりと踏まえ、一連の会談に臨む対処方針について、出発する前に十分練り合わせてほしい。

===

Climate pledge conditional

 ◆25%削減の前提も説け◆
On the climate change issue, Hatoyama has announced that Japan will aim to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 25 percent from 1990 levels by 2020.
 気候変動問題では、首相は、2020年までに1990年比で25%の温室効果ガス排出削減を目指す考えを表明している。

European countries hold this pledge in high esteem, but this likely is because they want to make Japan stick to its promises. As such, we should not take their enthusiasm purely at face value.
 欧州各国は高く評価するが、日本の立場が後退しないよう布石を打っているのだろう。額面通り受け止めるわけにはいかない。

Hatoyama also has said that other major countries must agree to make "ambitious" reduction targets as a "precondition" for Japan's emissions-cut goal. The pledge to reduce emissions by 25 percent should not be allowed to take on a life of its own. The prime minister should stress the conditional elements of his pledge at the U.N. summit on climate change in New York.
 首相は、「すべての主要国の参加」が前提とも述べている。「25%削減」が独り歩きしては困る。会議では、あくまで前提条件付きであることを強調すべきだ。

International conferences and summit meetings are the arenas in which world leaders strike bargains while keeping a strong eye on their own national interests. Our new prime minister and foreign minister should stay focused during these occasions, and be careful about making promises or remarks before the international community that could harm this nation's interests.
 国際会議や首脳会談は、各国首脳がそれぞれの国益を主張し、駆け引きを演じる場である。首相と外相は、国益を害するような国際約束や発言をしないよう、気を引き締めて臨むべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 20, 2009)
(2009年9月20日01時19分 読売新聞)
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