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民進党発足 1強と対峙するには

2016-03-31 06:29:35 | 英字新聞

--The Asahi Shimbun, March 28
EDITORIAL: Minshinto’s task is to become viable foe of 'sole winner' Abe
(社説)民進党発足 1強と対峙するには

Minshinto (The Democratic Party), formed from the merger between the Democratic Party of Japan and the Japan Innovation Party, was officially inaugurated at a party convention on March 27.
The new party’s first task is to try to close the gap between the ardor of its members and the cool indifference of the public at large.
 新たな旗のもとに集った議員の熱気と、国民の冷めた空気。まずは、この差を埋める努力から始めるしかない。

 民主党と維新の党などの議員が合流し、新しい民進党としてきのう党大会を開いた。

Shiori Yamao, a 41-year-old Lower House member who made news headlines for confronting the Abe administration over the problem of children on waiting lists for child-care facilities, has been chosen to head the new party’s policy research committee. But since almost all party executives, including leader Katsuya Okada, have essentially retained their posts from their DPJ days, critics point out that the party name is the only thing that has changed.
 待機児童問題で安倍政権を追及する若手の山尾志桜里氏を政調会長に起用したが、岡田代表らほとんどの役員が民主党からの横滑り。党名以外にどこが変わったのかとの批判もある。

The public’s chilly reaction is quite understandable.
 冷ややかな視線を浴びるのも無理はない。

After coming into power in 2009 to end decades of rule by the Liberal Democratic Party, the DPJ did nothing but repeatedly betray the hopes of voters who were looking forward to a new era in Japanese politics.
 自民党の長期政権に代わる新たな政治への期待を背負って09年に発足した民主党政権は、国民の思いを裏切り続けた。

The DPJ proved itself incapable of living up to its campaign pledges. Its attempts at government led by politicians, rather than by bureaucrats, went nowhere. And the party eventually split over the controversial issue of a consumption tax hike.
 実現できないマニフェスト、空回りした政治主導、そして消費増税をめぐる党の分裂。

The impression cannot be denied that the new Democratic Party did nothing more than welcome back to the fold some of the DPJ members who had broken away at that time.
その時に出ていった議員の一部とよりを戻しただけだ、との印象はぬぐいようがない。

While the DPJ languished after its fall from power, the Abe administration consolidated a “sole winner” political system by winning three national elections in a row, starting with the 2012 Lower House election that was called upon the dissolution of the chamber by then Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda.
 政権を失った民主党が立ちすくむうちに、安倍政権は、民主党の野田内閣による12年の衆院解散から3度続けて国政選挙に勝ち、「1強」の政治体制を築いてきた。

Abe stresses that the LDP’s return to power has improved the economy, claiming there are 30 percent fewer bankruptcies on his watch than when the DPJ was at the helm.
 安倍首相は「民主党政権時代より、企業倒産件数は約3割減った」などと、政権交代で経済は上向いたと強調する。

But on the other hand, the public’s discontent continues to run deep over growing social disparities and other issues, including that of children who cannot enter child-care facilities.
半面、格差の拡大や待機児童問題などへの国民の不満は根強い。

And as evidenced by his decision to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense and enact a divisive national security legislation, Abe has been walking a precarious path that may well lead the nation astray from its Constitution.
 首相はまた、集団的自衛権の行使容認や安全保障法制に見られるように、憲法の枠組みを越えかねない危うい道を進む。

What lies at the end of the path is constitutional revision, the sole purpose of which is to change the Constitution itself.
その先に見すえるのは「変えること」を目的とした憲法改正だ。

There are many frustrated voters who are apprehensive of the Abe administration’s style of politics but do not see any alternative. One indication of their frustration is that voter turnout languished just above 52 percent in the 2013 Upper House election as well as the 2014 Lower House poll.
 安倍氏の政権運営に危うさは感じるが、ほかに選択肢が見あたらない――。こんなもどかしさを抱く有権者は多い。安倍政権のもとでの13年参院選と14年衆院選がいずれも52%台の低投票率だったことは、そのひとつの証左だろう。

At the inaugural party convention, Okada expressed “deep remorse” for the DPJ’s failure to live up to the people’s expectations while it was in power. On that note, his party must take the first step forward.
 岡田代表は党大会で、民主党政権時代に期待に応えられなかったことを「深く反省する」と語った。そのうえに、新たな一歩を踏み出すべきときだ。

As the largest opposition party with 156 Diet members, can the Democratic Party become a formidable opponent of the “sole winner” Abe administration? The answer to this holds the key to whether Japanese politics will emerge from its lethargy.
 衆参で156人の野党第1党となる民進党が、1強に対峙(たいじ)しうる存在になれるかどうか。それが、政治に緊張感を取り戻せるかどうかのカギを握る。

“Liberty, coexistence and responsibility for the future” are the Democratic Party’s founding principles. The party promises to rectify disparities in education, employment and gender-related matters, and defend constitutionalism. The party is at least heading in the right direction.
 民進党は「自由、共生、未来への責任」を結党の理念とし、教育、雇用、男女の三つの格差是正や立憲主義の堅持を打ち出すという。方向は妥当である。

But the only way in which it can regain the lost trust of the voting public is to commit itself to what every political party is tasked to undertake with patience, which is to heed the voice of each citizen and challenge the ruling party with concrete and persuasive policies.
 国民一人ひとりの思いをすくいあげ、具体的で説得力ある政策として政権にぶつけ続ける。
 政党にしかできないこの地道な作業を通じてしか、信頼を取り戻すことはできない。

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安全保障法制の施行 「違憲」の法制、正す論戦を

2016-03-30 06:50:04 | 英字新聞

--The Asahi Shimbun, March 29
EDITORIAL: Diet must debate constitutionality of new security legislation
(社説)安全保障法制の施行 「違憲」の法制、正す論戦を

The new national security legislation expanding the scope of Japan’s military operations took effect on March 29.
 新たな安全保障法制がきょう施行された。

The ruling coalition, led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party, rammed the legislation through the Diet in September in the face of anxiety and opposition among many citizens and criticism by constitutional scholars that it is unconstitutional. The controversial set of laws is now in force.
 昨年9月、多くの市民の不安と反対、そして憲法専門家らの「違憲」批判を押し切って安倍政権が強行成立させた法制が、効力を持つことになる。

The legislation, composed of two statutes incorporating the content of 11 bills, significantly expands the scope of Self-Defense Forces operations outside Japan. It allows Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense by changing the government’s interpretation of the Constitution.
It also enables the SDF to provide logistical support to the forces of the United States and other countries and engage in a wider range of United Nations peacekeeping operations.
 11本の法案を2本にまとめた法制には、憲法解釈の変更による集団的自衛権の行使容認、米軍など他国軍への兵站(へいたん)(後方支援)、国連平和維持活動(PKO)の任務拡大など、幅広い自衛隊の海外活動が含まれる。

The Abe administration railroaded the broad security legislation through just one session of the Diet. Many observers say Abe was in a rush to get the legislation passed because he promised in his April 29 address to a Joint Meeting of the U.S. Congress to “achieve” the legislative reform “by this coming summer.”
 安倍政権はこれだけ広範な法制を、わずか1会期の国会審議で成立させた。背景に、首相自身が昨年4月に訪米中の議会演説で「(法案を)夏までに成就させる」と約束した対米公約があった、との見方が強い。

After the legislation passed the Diet, Abe said he would “make tenacious efforts to explain” it to the public. But he has failed to deliver on his promise.
 法制の成立後、首相は「これから粘り強く説明を行っていきたい」と語ったが、実行されていない。

The Diet debate on related issues since then has been far from sufficient.
その後の国会審議も十分とは到底言えない。

CASTING A WIDE NET
 ■投網をかけるように

This situation represents a crisis of Japan’s constitutionalism, which means the government’s power is defined and limited by the Constitution. This extraordinary and dangerous situation must not be allowed to continue.
 憲法が権力を縛る立憲主義の危機である。この異常事態を放置することはできない。

The “unconstitutional” legislation, not based on broad public consensus, should be rectified. It is necessary to sort out the content of the legislation so that at least the unconstitutional parts will be repealed. The Diet, especially the opposition camp, needs to play a vital role in this undertaking.
 幅広い国民の合意を欠く「違憲」法制は正さねばならない。法制の中身を仕分けし、少なくとも違憲の部分は廃止する必要がある。国会、とりわけ野党が果たすべき役割は大きい。

The Abe administration has maintained that the legislation is constitutional because it only allows Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense in limited situations.
 安倍政権は、集団的自衛権の行使容認は限定的で、だから合憲だと説明してきた。

On the other hand, the administration has continued giving equivocal answers at the Diet to questions about the limits to the exercise of this right by Japan in an apparent attempt for the government to secure as much discretion as possible in assessing situations.
 一方で、政府の裁量をできるだけ広く残そうと、「限定」の幅についてあいまいな国会答弁を繰り返してきた。

This will allow the government in power to interpret the scope of the limits in any manner it chooses.
時の政権の判断で、いかようにも解釈できる余地が残されている。

The administration’s move to make it possible for Japan to engage in collective self-defense operations was prompted primarily by the challenge of countering the growing military power of China through enhancing the deterrence provided by Japan’s security alliance with the United States.
 集団的自衛権を容認した眼目は、中国にいかに対抗し、抑止力を高めるかにある。

Here’s the idea behind the move. Japan needs to ensure that U.S. forces will maintain their presence in the Asia-Pacific region while compensating for the relative decline in U.S. military power by enhancing the SDF and expanding its security cooperation with other countries in the region.
 米軍をアジア太平洋地域に引き留め、そのパワーが相対的に低下しつつある分は、自衛隊の強化や地域諸国との連携によって補う。そんな考え方だ。

The legislation is designed to allow the SDF to operate in wide areas outside Japan by eliminating a broad range of obstacles and impediments to the SDF’s joint operations with U.S. forces.
This approach can be likened to casting a wide net to catch as many fish in as wide an area as possible.
 米軍との共同行動に支障を来さないよう、投網をかけるように幅広く、海外で自衛隊が動けるようにしておく。

This means the SDF will expand its joint military drills, information sharing and cooperation concerning military equipment with the forces of the United States and other countries. Such efforts will be made not just during security emergencies but in peacetime as well.
有事だけでなく平時から米軍など他国軍との共同訓練や情報共有、装備面での連携が進むことになる。

ARTICLE 9 AS BASIS FOR DIALOGUE
 ■9条を対話の基盤に

The problem is that the administration, to achieve its security policy goals, has relaxed the restrictions that the war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution had imposed on the SDF’s overseas operations.
 問題は、そのために自衛隊の海外活動に一定の歯止めをかけてきた「9条の縛り」を緩めてしまったことだ。

At the end of February, the Commission on the Future of the Alliance, a study group comprising Japanese and American experts including Richard Armitage, a former U.S. deputy secretary of state, released a report titled “The U.S.-Japan Alliance to 2030.”
 2月末、アーミテージ元国務副長官ら日米の有識者らによる日米安全保障研究会が「2030年までの日米同盟」という報告書をまとめた。

Stressing the importance for Tokyo and Washington to have a coordinated China strategy, the report urged Japan to “have fully funded, modern and highly capable military forces” and called on the two countries to “at least coordinate, and if possible integrate, their policies and actions elsewhere in Asia and beyond.”
 日米の対中戦略の共有が不可欠だと強調し、「十分な予算に支えられた軍事力」「アジアやより広い地域で日米の政策、行動を可能ならば統合する」ことを日本に求めた。

This is a clear call for integrating the two nations’ security policy development and execution in all aspects, including defense budgeting.
防衛予算の拡大をはじめ、あらゆる面で日米の一体化をめざす方向だ。

But the national interests of the United States don’t necessarily coincide exactly with those of Japan with regard not only to how to respond to China’s rise but also to other key issues.
 だが、中国との関係に限らず、米国の利益と日本の利益は必ずしも一致しない。

The question facing Japan is if it can decline any strong security policy request from the United States, which has a history of launching misguided wars.
 時に誤った戦争に踏み込む米国の強い要請を断れるのか。

Abe has said that Japan will make its own independent decisions as to whether it should exercise its right to collective self-defense. But will this be really possible for Japan when the effectiveness of Article 9 as a protection against the risk of becoming involved in overseas conflict has been seriously undermined?
集団的自衛権の行使について、首相は「(日本が)主体的に判断する」と答弁したが、9条という防波堤が揺らぐ今、本当にできるのか。

Japan should be well aware of the fact that the United States, while wary about China’s military buildup, has been working eagerly to build sturdy multiple channels of dialogue with the country.
 留意すべきは、米国自身、中国を警戒しながらも重層的な対話のパイプ作りに腐心していることだ。

To protect its own peace, Japan should also pursue close dialogue and a broad range of cooperation with China.
日本も自らの平和を守るためには、中国との緊密な対話と幅広い協力が欠かせない。

The Abe administration, however, has been focusing its security policy efforts on bolstering Japan’s alliance with the United States, allowing erosion in the human interactions underpinning the bilateral ties with China.
 それなのに日本は日米同盟の強化に傾斜し、日中関係の人的基盤は細るばかりだ。

Given Japan’s geographical proximity to China and the complicated and troubled history of their bilateral relations, the Japanese government needs to perform a delicate balancing act in dealing with its neighboring giant.
中国に近い地理的な特性や歴史の複雑さを思えば、その関係はより微妙なかじ取りが求められる。

Japan should restrain itself from getting embroiled in U.S. military actions and stick to its traditional strictly defensive security policy to avoid an arms race with China. The functions of Article 9 can, and should, serve as a foundation for Japan’s efforts to strike a proper balance between deterrence and dialogue.
 米国の軍事行動とは一線を画し、専守防衛を貫くことで軍拡競争を避ける。憲法9条の機能こそ、抑止と対話の均衡を保つための基盤となる。

DIET HAS A VITAL ROLE TO PLAY
 ■問われる国会の役割

An Upper House election will be held this summer. Simultaneous polls of both chambers of the Diet appear to be in the cards.
 夏に参院選がある。衆参同日選の可能性も指摘されている。

In a move with significant political implications, the Abe administration has decided to postpone until after the Upper House poll some important new steps based on the security legislation. They include expanding the scope of Japan’s peacekeeping missions to allow SDF personnel to come to the assistance of members of U.N. and private-sector organizations and other countries’ troops who have come under attack during such operations. The administration has also delayed the introduction of a bill to revise Japan’s Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement with the United States to expand the SDF’s logistic support for U.S. forces.
 そんななか安倍政権は、平時の米艦防護やPKOに派遣する自衛隊の「駆けつけ警護」、米軍への兵站を拡大する日米物品役務相互提供協定(ACSA)改定案の国会提出など、安保法制にもとづく新たな動きを参院選後に先送りしている。

The Abe administration is again concentrating its political energy on economic issues before a key election with a clear intention to shift the focus of its policy discourse to security topics after the poll. The administration adopted the same strategy for its initiatives to enact the state secrets protection law and the security legislation.
 選挙前は「経済」を掲げ、選挙が終われば「安保」にかじを切る。特定秘密保護法も安保法制も同じパターンだった。

This time, too, the administration will try to push through the related measures all at once if the ruling camp is victorious in the election.
 政権は今回も、選挙に勝てば一気に進めようとするだろう。

The Abe administration has taken a series of foreign and security policy measures aimed at concentrating power in the hands of the government. They include the enactment of the state secrets protection law and the creation of the National Security Council.
 安倍政権は特定秘密保護法、国家安全保障会議(NSC)の創設など、政府への権限を集中させる外交・安保施策を次々と打ち出してきた。

That has made it all the more important for the Diet to perform its function of checking the actions of the executive branch. But the Diet’s performance has been deeply disappointing.
 だからこそ、国会のチェック機能が重要なのに、肝心の国会が心もとない。

The Diet has not even bothered to consider the joint opposition bill to repeal the security legislation or the counterproposals made by the opposition parties. This fact is a clear and undeniable sign that the Diet has become dysfunctional.
野党が共同で提出した安保法制の廃止法案や対案を審議すらしない現状が、国会の機能不全を物語る。

The opposition parties have a crucial mission to carry out. They need to expand electoral cooperation among themselves and strengthen their solidarity with citizens.
 野党の使命は極めて重い。政党間の選挙協力を着実に進め、市民との連帯を広げる。

They also have to protect the nation’s constitutionalism and redress the “unconstitutional” legislation. The mission requires fresh and serious debate on the future of politics in this nation.
立憲主義を守り、「違憲」の法制を正す。それは、日本の政治のあり方を問い直す議論でもある。

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原発停止命令 国民の不安を直視せよ

2016-03-29 07:19:59 | 英字新聞

--The Asahi Shimbun, March 27
EDITORIAL: Nuclear power proponents still scoffing at public safety concerns
(社説)原発停止命令 国民の不安を直視せよ

An Otsu District Court injunction has suspended operations of two reactors at Kansai Electric Power Co.’s Takahama nuclear power plant in Fukui Prefecture, one of which was online.
Again, the significance of that development should be taken to heart.
 大津地裁の仮処分決定で、関西電力高浜原発(福井県)の運転が差し止められた意義をいま一度しっかり考えたい。

Proponents of nuclear power, in particular, should squarely face up to the public anxiety that lies in the backdrop of the court decision.
とりわけ原発を推進する立場の人たちは、司法判断の背後にある国民の不安を直視すべきだ。

But instead they are boiling with disgruntlement.
 推進側では不満が渦巻く。

“Why is a single district court judge allowed to trip up the government’s energy policy?” Kazuo Sumi, a vice chairman of the Kansai Economic Federation, said resentfully.
“We could demand damages (from the residents who requested the injunction) if we were to win the case at a higher court,” Kansai Electric President Makoto Yagi said, although he prefaced his remark with a proviso that he is arguing only in general terms.
関西経済連合会の角和夫副会長は「なぜ一地裁の裁判官によって国のエネルギー政策に支障をきたすことが起こるのか」と憤り、関電の八木誠社長は一般論と前置きしつつ、「逆転勝訴すれば(住民側への)損害賠償請求は考えうる」と発言した。

The government is maintaining a wait-and-see attitude.
 一方、国は静観を続ける。

The decision called into question the appropriateness of the Nuclear Regulation Authority’s new regulation standards and government-approved plans for evacuations in case of an emergency.
 決定は、原子力規制委員会の新規制基準や、政府が了承した住民避難計画の妥当性に疑問を投げかけた。

But NRA Chairman Shunichi Tanaka argued, “Our standards are nearing the world’s top level.”
だが田中俊一規制委員長は「基準は世界最高レベルに近づいている」と反論。

And the government has no plans to review its emergency evacuation plans. It has only reiterated that it will “proceed with restarts of nuclear reactors in paying respect to NRA decisions.”
政府も避難計画は見直さず、「規制委の判断を尊重して再稼働を進める」と繰り返すばかりだ。

The Otsu decision is the third court order issued against the operation of nuclear reactors since the meltdowns five years ago at Tokyo Electric Power Co.’s Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
 5年前の東京電力福島第一原発事故後、裁判所が原発の運転停止を命じたのは大津で3件目だ。

There has, in fact, been no fixed trend in court decisions. Another court rejected residents’ request last year for an injunction against reactor restarts at Kyushu Electric Power Co.’s Sendai nuclear plant in Kagoshima Prefecture.
But courts appear to be playing a more active role now than before the Fukushima disaster.
九州電力川内原発では昨年、住民側の申し立てが却下されるなど、司法判断も一様とはいえないものの、事故前に比べ、より積極的な役割を果たそうとする傾向は明らかだ。

The nuclear proponents’ reactions reveal an underlying thinking: “The use of nuclear power is indispensable for Japan, which does not abound in energy resources. The government set up the NRA following the Fukushima disaster to increase expert control. Regional utilities have also taken safety enhancement measures. Courts are therefore asked not to meddle.”
 エネルギー資源が乏しい日本に原発は欠かせず、事故後、国は規制委をつくって専門的なチェックを強めた。電力各社も安全性向上に取り組んできた。だから裁判所の口出しは余計だ――。推進側の反応からはそんな考え方が透けて見える。

But they should have a deeper understanding that this argument is no longer convincing to the public and court judges.
 だがそれでは、国民も裁判官も納得しない時代になっていることをもっと理解すべきだ。

Some critics say the latest decision deviated from the 1992 Supreme Court ruling saying that decisions on the safety of nuclear plants should be made by administrative organs on the basis of expert opinions. But that argument is also off the mark.
 「原発の安全性は専門家の意見を踏まえた行政の判断に委ねるべきだ」という92年の最高裁判決を逸脱している、との批判もあたらない。

The ruling, given in a case over Shikoku Electric Power Co.’s Ikata nuclear plant, certainly presented that point of view. But it also stated that the objective of safety regulations based on the Law on the Regulation of Nuclear Source Material, Nuclear Fuel Material and Reactors is to “make sure that no serious disaster will happen by any chance.”
四国電力伊方原発をめぐるこの判決はそういう考えを示す一方で、原子炉等規制法に基づく安全規制の目的について「深刻な災害が万が一にも起こらないようにするため」としている。

A safety net, left in the hands of experts, collapsed all too easily during the Fukushima disaster, turning the phrase “by any chance” into reality.
 福島では、専門家任せの安全網がもろくも崩れ、「万が一」が現実になった。

Courts, which are the guardians of law, should rather be commended for trying to find out independently, to the extent that they can, if there is enough preparedness when a nuclear reactor will be restarted.
再び原発を動かすとき、備えは十分か。法の番人である裁判所が、できる限り独自に確かめるのはむしろ望ましい姿勢といえよう。

The latest alarm bell sounded by the judiciary sector provides an opportunity to ask once again why all the safety measures taken after the Fukushima nuclear disaster are still struggling to win the trust of the public.
 なぜ事故後に積み重ねた対策でも国民の信頼が得られないのか。司法からの警鐘は、それを問い直すきっかけにすべきだ。

The Fukushima disaster changed the awareness of the public. The judiciary sector was also affected.
 原発事故を経て、国民の意識は変わった。司法もその影響を受けている。

It is high time for a change among nuclear proponents.
原発を推進してきた側も、変わるべき時だ。

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香山リカのココロの万華鏡: 「かさじぞう」になろう /東京

2016-03-28 07:22:34 | 英字新聞

March 27, 2016 (Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Recognizing others' kindness
香山リカのココロの万華鏡: 「かさじぞう」になろう /東京

I am often asked which types of people are likely to experience emotional disorders. Truthfully speaking, the answer is "anyone."
 「どんな性格の人が心の病になりやすいですか」という質問をよく受ける。正しく答えるならば「どんな人でもなります」だろう。

While even intransigent or unkind persons are sometimes known to experience depression, it is also true that a large number of the patients who visit my office could be characterized as people who are considerate and serious.
気が強い人、意地悪な人でも、うつ病などになるときはなる。
 ただ、診察室にいると「やさしい人やおとなしい人が多いな」という気はする。

Despite feeling unwell and suffering from illness themselves, quite a few such persons often say thoughtful things to me such as, "You are looking a little pale. Are you feeling tired?"
つらくて病院に来ているのに「先生、顔色がよくないけれど疲れてませんか?」と気づかってくれる人も少なくない。

I suppose that this is a tendency among kind people to go out of their way to do things for others, even if this means inconveniencing themselves -- and often using up all of their energy in the process.
やさしい人はそうやって、「自分よりまわりの誰か」のために心を砕き、無理をしてでも何かをしてあげて、そしてエネルギーを使い果たしてしまうのかもしれない。

Sometimes I struggle when thinking about this matter, since it would seem as if kindness is somehow a demerit, while those who think exclusively of themselves end up enjoying benefits.
 「では、やさしいというのは短所なのだろうか。結局、自分のことしか考えない人のほうが得をするのだろうか」とときどき悩んでしまう。

To be sure, people who defiantly take an attitude of "I was not the one at fault" no matter what the situation at hand, and who consistently blame others without looking at themselves, likely never end up practicing self-reproach or facing exhaustion.
たしかに、何があっても「悪いのは私じゃない」と開き直り、自分を棚に上げてまわりの人を責めてばかりいれば、自分を責めたり気疲れをしたりすることはなさそう。

Faced with the question of whether one might like to live in a society where everyone thinks only of their own well-being, however, and acts accordingly, I would wager to guess that most people would answer negatively.
 とはいえ、そうやってみんなが「自分さえよければよい」とばかりに自分勝手に振る舞う社会に住みたいかと言われれば、誰もが「それはいやだ」と言うだろう。

Small, thoughtful actions and consideration -- such as allowing others to pass in front of you on the street, or saying you are fine when asked how you are feeling to avoid causing others worry, even though you are actually feeling tired -- seem to help preserve the tranquility of everyday society.
「お先にどうぞ」と道をゆずり合い、疲れていてもときには「私は平気」とにっこり笑って心配をかけないようにする。
「いまこの人は元気かな」と目の前にいる人の様子をさぐってみる。そんなちょっとした気づかいや遠慮、やせがまんがあってこそ、世の中はなんとかうまく穏やかさを保っているのではないだろうか。

So what can be done to avoid thoughtful people becoming hurt, as well as to make sure that persons who are deeply considerate of others do not become tired to the point of exhaustion?
 では、どうすればそんなやさしい人が傷ついたり、遠慮深い人が疲れて倒れたりするのを防ぐことができるのか。

In my view, the answer seems to lie in the act of someone recognizing this type of thoughtfulness -- and then saying something like "Thank you" or "Please don't push yourself" to the person who is exercising it.
私はやはり、その人たちの思いやりに誰かが気づき、「ありがとう」「無理しすぎないでね」と声をかけてあげることではないかと思うのだ。

In reality, however, people these days are so occupied with their own personal issues that they simply pretend not to notice the presence of an overly considerate person -- and many of them will even go as far as to use such persons for the purposes of their own personal benefit.
ところがいまは、誰もが自分のことで精いっぱい、やさしすぎる人がいたとしても見て見ぬふりをして踏み台にする人さえ少なくない。

There is an old Japanese fable titled the "kasa jizou" -- "straw hat bodhisattva" -- which tells the story of an elderly couple who give their last straw hat to a bodhisattva statue to protect it from the snowy cold, and are later rewarded by a visit from the statue bearing gifts of food.
Through this tale, we understand that acts of kindness end up by eventually becoming rewarded. I wonder whether a modern-day version of this scenario exists, wherein people reward others by telling them, "I see your thoughtful actions."
 むかし話なら、「かさじぞう」のようにやさしい人はいつか報われる。現代の世の中に「あなたのやさしさを見ていましたよ」と言って、贈りものなどをしてくれる誰かはいるだろうか。

While I try to do my own part by acting as a "straw hat bodhisattva" in my office, it is unfortunate that the people who come to me are already exhausted and facing conditions such as depression.
せめて診察室の「かさじぞう」になりたい、と思っているが、来る人たちはすでに疲れすぎてうつ病などになっているのが残念だ。

It is my great hope that you, too, will become a "straw hat bodhisattva" by speaking up and letting someone know that their kindness has not gone unnoticed.
「あなたのやさしさ、知っていますよ」と誰かに声をかけてあげる「かさじぞう」に、あなたもなってほしい。

(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist) (精神科医)

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伊方1号機廃炉 採算より40年ルールだ

2016-03-27 07:06:14 | 英字新聞

March 26, 2016 (Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: 40-year reactor life rule must prevail over profitability
伊方1号機廃炉 採算より40年ルールだ

Shikoku Electric Power Co. has decided to decommission the No. 1 reactor at the Ikata nuclear power complex in Ehime Prefecture, as the reactor will have been in operation 40 years come September next year.
 四国電力は、来年9月で運転開始からまる40年となる伊方原発1号機(愛媛県)の廃炉を決めた。

In the wake of the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear plant disaster, the government has set a new rule limiting the operational life of reactors to 40 years, in principle. An extension of up to 20 years can be granted by the Nuclear Regulation Authority (NRA). Ikata nuclear plant operator Shikoku Electric Power Co. had sought to have the No. 1 reactor's lifespan extended, but abandoned the idea after finding the enormous safety improvement costs would make it unprofitable to keep the reactor running.
 東京電力福島第1原発事故後、政府は原発の運転期間を原則40年とする新ルールを定めた。原子力規制委員会の許認可を受ければ、最長で20年延長できる。四電は伊方1号機の運転延長を目指したが、多額の安全対策費が必要となるため、採算性がないと判断したという。

Reactor pressure vessels are said to deteriorate in 40 years due to being bombarded by neutrons. From the viewpoint of ensuring nuclear plant safety, reactors over 40 years of age need to be decommissioned, regardless of their profitability. It is hoped that Shikoku Electric's decision will set a precedent for other power companies.
 40年は、圧力容器が中性子の照射を受けて劣化する目安とされる。原発の安全性確保の観点からは、採算性とは関係なく、廃炉にしていく必要がある。今回の四電の決定をルール定着につなげたい。

Five other reactors around the 40-year limit are already set to be decommissioned, including the No. 1 and 2 reactors at Kansai Electric Power Co.'s Mihama nuclear plant in Fukui Prefecture, and the No. 1 reactor at Kyushu Electric Power Co.'s Genkai nuclear station in Saga Prefecture -- decisions made in March last year. With the decommissioning of the Ikata plant's No. 1 reactor, the number of reactors in Japan will be reduced to 42.
 運転開始から40年となる老朽原発を巡っては昨年3月、関西電力美浜1、2号機(福井県)や九州電力玄海原発1号機(佐賀県)など5基の廃炉が決まった。伊方1号機も廃炉になれば日本の原発は42基に減る。

The six reactors facing decommissioning are relatively small, with output in the 300,000 to 500,000 kilowatt range. More recent reactors can generate 1 million kilowatts each.
 廃炉が決まった6基はいずれも出力が30万キロワット級から50万キロワット級で、100万キロワット級が主流となったその後の原発と比べると規模が小さい。

The decision over whether to decommission reactors is left up to each utility, and behind Kansai Electric and Kyushu Electric's decisions to decommission the aforementioned reactors also lay the issue of profitability. The smaller the output of a reactor is, the less profitable it is considering the massive cost of safety measures.
 廃炉の判断は電力会社に任されており、四電以外の電力会社が廃炉に踏み切ったのも採算性の問題だ。規模が小さな原子炉では、多額の安全対策費をかけても、それに見合う発電電力量が得られないためだ。

Meanwhile, Kansai Electric has applied to the NRA to extend the service life of the No. 1 and 2 reactors at the Takahama nuclear plant, and the No. 3 reactor at the Mihama plant, both in Fukui Prefecture. The utility decided that those reactors -- which can each generate about 800,000 kilowatts -- will be profitable enough even with the immense safety costs.
 一方、関電は、出力が80万キロワット級の高浜原発1、2号機と美浜3号機(いずれも福井県)の運転延長を規制委に申請中だ。安全対策費をかけても割に合うと判断したからだ。

However, aging reactors are fraught with more problems than deteriorating pressure vessels. The longer it has been since a reactor entered operation, the fewer engineers there are who can pass down legacy technologies. Some experts point out that there is a limit to how much the safety of elderly reactors can be improved because their design concept itself is outdated. The question of decommissioning a reactor and its output and economic efficiency should be considered separately.
 しかし、老朽原発には、圧力容器の劣化以外にも問題がある。運転開始から時間がたつほど、古い技術の継承者はいなくなる。設計思想自体が古いため、安全性の向上には限界があるという指摘もある。廃炉の判断と原発の出力や経済性とは、切り離して考えるべきなのだ。

Furthermore, utilities face a host of other challenges to moving ahead with steady decommissioning.
 廃炉を着実に進めるためには、その他にも課題が山積している。

First and foremost, the final disposal site for the colossal amount of radioactive waste that will be generated by dismantling reactors has yet to be decided. There are not even regulatory standards for disposing of the severely contaminated inner components of reactors.
 まず、原発の解体で生じる大量の放射性廃棄物の最終処分先が決まっていない。原子炉内の部品など汚染が激しいものについては、処分のための規制基準すらまだない。

It is also imperative to secure storage locations for spent nuclear fuel generated by nuclear plants. Under the government's nuclear fuel cycle policy, spent fuel had been destined for the reprocessing plant in Rokkasho, Aomori Prefecture. However, the plant is under safety review by the NRA, and there is no prospect of it becoming operational anytime soon.
 原発の使用済み核燃料を保管する場所の確保も重要だ。政府が掲げる核燃料サイクル路線に基づけば、最終的には青森県六ケ所村の再処理工場に運ばれる。だが、再処理工場は規制委の安全審査中で、稼働時期のめどは立っていない。

Power companies and the government need to overcome these challenges.
 電力会社や政府は、こうした問題を克服していく必要がある。

Reactor decommissioning seriously affects regional economies and the finances of local governments dependent on nuclear plant hosting subsidies.  廃炉は、原発関連の交付金などに頼ってきた地元自治体の財政や地域経済にも大きく影響する。

The central government's support is indispensable in associating the decommissioning business with regional revitalization, among other measures.
廃炉ビジネスと地域振興を結びつけるなど、政府の支援も欠かせない。

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