英字新聞社説学習研究

読売、毎日、朝日各社英字新聞の主として社説を学習研究します

広告

※このエリアは、60日間投稿が無い場合に表示されます。記事を投稿すると、表示されなくなります。

「国防軍」 本質的な憲法論議に踏み込め

2012-11-30 04:35:56 | 英字新聞

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Nov. 29, 2012)
Step up constitutional debate on 'national defense force'
「国防軍」 本質的な憲法論議に踏み込め(11月28日付・読売社説)

The Liberal Democratic Party has pledged in its manifesto for the upcoming House of Representatives election that it will revise the Constitution to enable Japan to possess a national defense military force. This has emerged as a key issue in the coming election campaign.
 自民党が政権公約で、「国防軍」を保持するとした憲法改正を掲げたことが衆院選の争点の一つに浮上してきた。

At this juncture, each political party should wade into more fundamental discussions on revising the Constitution.
 各党は、これを機に、より本質的な憲法改正論議に踏み込むべきである。

Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda was quick to take a swipe at the LDP pledge. "I don't understand the significance of revising the Constitution to position the Self-Defense Forces as a military force, by venturing to change the name to a defense military force," he said. Noda's comments ignited a debate on this issue.
 自民党の公約に対し、野田首相は「あえて国防軍と名前を変え、憲法を改正して位置づける意義が分からない」と発言した。これが論戦に火を付けた。

LDP President Shinzo Abe countered Noda's criticism, saying the problem is that the SDF are regarded as a military force under international law, but they are not a military force according to the government's interpretation of the Constitution. Abe went as far as saying that if the SDF are not a military force, SDF personnel would not be handled as prisoners of war if they are captured.
 自民党の安倍総裁は、自衛隊は国際法上、軍隊と見なされているのに、政府の憲法解釈では軍隊ではないとされていることこそが問題だと反論した。軍隊でなければ、万一の場合、自衛隊員は捕虜として扱われないとも言及した。

We think Abe's point is quite reasonable.
 もっともな見解である。

===

Defining the SDF

The first paragraph of Article 9 of the Constitution stipulates the nation's renunciation of war. The second paragraph says, "In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained." Thus, it spells out that Japan will not possess military forces.
 憲法9条は、第1項で戦争を放棄し、第2項で「陸海空軍その他の戦力は、これを保持しない」と戦力不保持を定めている。

The LDP pledge mirrors a draft for revising the Constitution it announced in April when Sadakazu Tanigaki was the party's president. According to the draft, the first paragraph of Article 9 will be maintained, but the second paragraph will be deleted. The draft then stipulates the nation's maintenance of a "military force for defense," saying the preceding paragraph "does not prevent the country from invoking its right to self-defense."
 自民党の公約は、谷垣総裁当時の4月に発表した憲法改正草案に沿ったものだ。草案は9条1項を継承する一方で、2項は削除した。その上で「自衛権の発動」を妨げるものではない、として「国防軍」の保持を明記している。

It is only natural for the Constitution to clearly define the organization that will defend this country. We think it is time to end the ambiguity over the legal status of the Self-Defense Forces.
 憲法に、自衛のための組織を明確に記すことは当然だ。自衛隊の法的な位置づけを巡る混乱に終止符を打つべきである。

In 2004, The Yomiuri Shimbun proposed several revisions to the Constitution. One change we suggested was the maintenance of a "military force for self-defense."
 読売新聞も2004年の憲法改正試案で、「自衛のための軍隊」保持を盛り込んでいる。

When Noda's Democratic Party of Japan was an opposition party, he himself said in his book that the SDF are "a military force to the eyes of foreign nations," and they "have to be clearly defined [as a combat force] in the Constitution."
 首相自身、野党時代の自著で、自衛隊を「外国から見たら、日本軍だ」とし、「きっちり憲法の中で位置づけなければいけない」と主張しているではないか。

We cannot understand why Noda recently made a statement that flew in the face of his own argument.
 自らの持論を否定するような発言をするのは理解に苦しむ。

===

Noda rejecting own theory

It is also problematic that the prime minister said such things as, "Does this mean Japan should transform the SDF into an organization that launches intercontinental ballistic missiles?" This is nothing but an electioneering tactic to affix a "hawk" label to the LDP under Abe and unnecessarily stir up voters' anxieties.
 首相が自民党の公約について、「自衛隊を大陸間弾道弾を飛ばすような組織にするのか」などと発言しているのも問題である。安倍自民党に「タカ派」のレッテルを貼り、殊更に有権者の不安を煽(あお)ろうとする選挙戦術そのものだ。

On the other hand, the previous DPJ manifesto's reference to planned discussions on revisions to the Constitution has vanished from its policy pledges for the coming election. This gives the strong impression that the party has retreated from its position three years ago, when it called for "free and unrestricted constitutional debate."
 一方、民主党の新たな政権公約(マニフェスト)からは憲法改正に関する記載が姿を消した。「自由闊達(かったつ)な憲法論議を」とした3年前よりも後退した感が強い。

Given that the DPJ initiated the latest debate over the "defense military force," it must present its policy for defining the SDF and the right to self-defense in the Constitution.
 「国防軍」を巡る論戦を仕掛けた以上、民主党は憲法で自衛隊や自衛権をどう位置づけるのか、方針をまとめるべきだ。

We hope the election campaign will feature lively debate on whether the right to collective self-defense can be exercised, and how the SDF should conduct its international activities.
 衆院選では、憲法とも関連する、集団的自衛権行使の是非や、自衛隊の国際活動のあり方についても活発な論戦を期待したい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 28, 2012)
(2012年11月28日01時23分  読売新聞)

コメント
この記事をはてなブックマークに追加

韓国大統領選 対日・「北」政策を注視したい

2012-11-29 03:21:39 | 英字新聞

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Nov. 28, 2012)
How will S. Korea's presidential election affect ties with Japan?
韓国大統領選 対日・「北」政策を注視したい(11月27日付・読売社説)

South Korea's presidential election campaign has officially kicked off. Voting is scheduled for Dec. 19.
 韓国大統領選が告示され、12月19日投開票へ向け、選挙戦に入った。

Under the current Lee Myung Bak administration, the country's relations with North Korea and Japan have become severely strained. Will the new administration be able to rectify this situation? The outcome of the race will definitely affect Japan's future.
 李明博政権で冷え込んだ北朝鮮や日本との関係は変わるのか。我が国にも影響を及ぼす重要な選挙だ。

The election, the first in five years, is expected to be a virtual head-to-head battle between Park Geun Hye of the ruling Saenuri Party and Moon Jae In of the main opposition Democratic United Party. It has become a straightforward conservative versus liberal choice after independent Ahn Cheol Soo, who was considered a powerful rival, dropped out of the race. The contest is expected to be a neck-and-neck race.
 5年ぶりの今回選挙は、与党セヌリ党の朴槿恵候補と、最大野党・民主統合党の文在寅候補による事実上の保革一騎打ちだ。有力候補とみられた無所属の安哲秀氏が告示直前に出馬を辞退したためで、接戦が予想されている。

Park, representing the conservative camp, seeks to become the first female president of South Korea. Her father, Park Chung Hee, made the bold decision to normalize relations with Japan and paved the way for the nation's high economic growth during his presidency.
 保守勢力を代表する朴氏は、初の女性大統領を狙う。父親は、日本との国交正常化に踏み切って韓国を高度経済成長路線に導いた故朴正煕大統領である。

Moon, who represents leftists whose origins can be traced back to those who served in the Kim Dae Jung administration, was imprisoned for opposing Park Chung Hee's long authoritarian rule, and has served as a human-rights lawyer and chief secretary of former President Roh Moo Hyun--Lee's predecessor.
 一方、文氏は金大中政権以来の左派の流れをくむ。かつて朴大統領の長期独裁に反対し、投獄された経験を持つ。人権派弁護士として活動し、盧武鉉前大統領の秘書室長を務めた。

Although Park and Moon belong to the same generation, they have contrasting careers and their policies differ widely. We should pay close attention to their verbal battles.
 同世代ながら対照的な経歴の2人は、政策の違いも鮮明だ。激しい論戦を注視したい。

===

Economic growth main issue

The campaign's main point of contention will be economic policy.
 最大の争点は、経済政策だ。

Lee has succeeded in significantly boosting South Korea's exports through economic policies based on free trade agreements with the United States, the European Union and other countries. However, his policies have also resulted in a widening rich-poor gap. Unemployment among the younger generation also has become a persistent problem. The South Korean public has strongly criticized Lee for only focusing on big companies.
 李大統領は、米欧などとの自由貿易協定(FTA)推進を軸に輸出を大きく伸ばしたが、富裕層と低所得者層の格差が広がった。若者の雇用難が続き、大企業だけを優遇したとの批判が強い。

As a result, both candidates have pledged to narrow the rich-poor gap under the slogan of "economic democratization." Moon, for example, is focusing on reforming chaebols--South Korea's conglomerates--and placing more emphasis on helping ordinary workers. The two candidates will be tested on whether they can come up with concrete measures to ensure the nation's economic growth.
 両候補が共に「経済民主化」で格差是正を掲げるのは、そのためだ。文氏は財閥改革や労働者重視に力点を置く。成長をどう確保するのか、具体策が問われよう。

The second issue will be North Korea.
 第二の争点は、対北朝鮮だ。

Moon has said he will adopt the conciliatory "Sunshine Policy" that the Kim and Roh administrations used in dealing with North Korea, indicating that he was prepared to resume large-scale food and fertilizer aid to the reclusive country. Moon also has declared he wants to hold summit talks between Seoul and Pyongyang next year.
 文氏は、金、盧両政権の対「北」融和政策の継承をうたい、食料や肥料の大規模支援を復活させる意向だ。来年に南北首脳会談を行うと宣言した。

We would like to know how Moon plans to approach North Korea to have that country abandon its nuclear development program.
核放棄をどう迫るのか、明らかにしてもらいたい。

Park said she would not hesitate to hold a summit meeting if it led to better ties between the two countries. However, she is taking a gradual approach on the issue, which is to deter North Korea from taking provocative actions on one hand while working on confidence building on the other. We believe her approach is more practical than Moon's.
 朴氏も「関係発展のためなら」首脳会談を辞さぬ構えだが、北朝鮮の挑発を抑止しつつ、信頼醸成に基づき関係を築く“漸進”主義だ。まだしも現実的と言える。

===

Concern over bilateral relations

The two candidates' policies in regard to Japan are also important.
 重要なのは対日政策である。

Japan-South Korea relations deteriorated rapidly after Lee's visit to the Takeshima islands and his call for an apology from the Emperor. The two candidates are in favor of rectifying strained relations with Japan, as they have talked about building "future-oriented" ties between the two countries. Park has also referred to the resumption of FTA negotiations between Japan and South Korea.
 李大統領の竹島訪問と「天皇の謝罪」要求発言で、日韓関係は悪化した。両候補は「未来志向」を口にし、修復に前向きではある。朴氏は、日韓のFTA交渉の再開にも言及している。

However, Park and Moon both take uncompromising attitudes against Japan on certain issues, such as Takeshima. Moon's stance is especially worrying, as he says he will no longer allow Seoul to continue "quiet diplomacy" on the issue. He also suggested he will pursue Japan's legal responsibility on the issue of so-called comfort women if he becomes president.
 だが、竹島など特定の問題では厳しい立場のままだ。とくに文氏は、竹島問題で「これ以上、静かな外交はしない」と述べる一方、慰安婦問題でも日本政府の法的責任を追及する態度を見せる。

We are concerned that if Moon takes office, he would emulate the diplomacy of the Roh administration, which took an unyielding hard-line stance against Japan and stalled relations between the two countries.
 強硬一辺倒で日韓関係を停滞させた盧武鉉外交の再現になりかねない、との懸念は拭えない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 27, 2012)
(2012年11月27日01時12分  読売新聞)

コメント
この記事をはてなブックマークに追加

社会保障 持続可能な制度へ論戦深めよ

2012-11-28 04:07:05 | 英字新聞

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Nov. 27, 2012)
Parties must deepen debate on sustainable welfare system
社会保障 持続可能な制度へ論戦深めよ(11月26日付・読売社説)

 ◇年金などの給付抑制が不可欠だ

Political parties must engage in policy discussions on how to build a sustainable social security system.
 持続可能な社会保障制度をどう築くか、各党は現実的な政策を競い合うべきだ。

The nation's population is aging quickly amid a chronically low birthrate. The present "cavalry-type" society in which every senior citizen is sustained by 2.4 people of the working population will change into a "piggyback-type" one in 30 years in which there will be only 1.3 people for every retirement-age Japanese.
 少子高齢化が急速に進む。1人の高齢者を2・4人の現役世代で支える今の「騎馬戦型」社会は、30年後には1人を1・3人で支える「肩車型」社会になる。

If nothing is done to prevent this, the collapse of Japan's welfare system will only be a matter of time.
このままでは社会保障制度は早晩行き詰まるだろう。

 ◆一体改革の意義説明を◆

To help reconstruct state finances while covering rising social security costs, the Democratic Party of Japan, the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito joined hands to pass the bill on integrated reform of the social security and tax systems. The centerpiece of this bill was a planned doubling of the consumption tax rate.
 増え続ける社会保障支出を賄い、財政を再建するため、民主、自民、公明の3党は消費税率の引き上げを柱とする社会保障と税の一体改革関連法を成立させた。

People's Life First and some other parties, however, want the planned tax increase rescinded. Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party), on the other hand, says the social security system should not be sustained with the consumption tax." This is a questionable argument.
 だが、国民の生活が第一などは消費増税の撤回を掲げている。日本維新の会は「消費税で社会保障を賄うのは不可」としているが、疑問だ。

The DPJ, the LDP and Komeito need to elaborate on the significance of the welfare and tax system reforms during campaigning for next month's House of Representatives election.
民自公3党は、衆院選で改革の意義を丁寧に訴える必要がある。

It is disconcerting that every party tends to trumpet only support for increasing welfare benefits and lessening the burdens on the public as they try to pander to voters during the election campaign.
 懸念されるのは、各政党が選挙戦で有権者の歓心を買おうと、社会保障給付の拡充や負担軽減ばかりを唱えがちになることだ。

If welfare benefits are expanded without a clear objective, the inescapable result will be an endless rise in the consumption tax rate.
 漫然と給付を拡大するなら、際限なく消費増税を続けなければならない。

===

Benefit outlays must be cut

Parties have a responsibility to explain how they will cap social security benefits.
 社会保障給付の抑制策を提示することは、政治の責任である。

The revised National Pension Law enacted during the recent extraordinary Diet session was aimed at reining in pension payments. This should be applauded. The law revision will ensure pensions that had been overpaid by 2.5 percent will return to originally set levels.
 年金給付を抑制するため、臨時国会で、改正国民年金法が成立したことは評価できる。2・5%の過払いとなっている給付が、ようやく本来の水準に戻される。

To ensure pensions can be stably provided, payment levels must be lowered further in accordance with the shifting demographics and changes in wages.
 年金財政の安定には、人口や賃金の変動に合わせて、年金水準をさらに引き下げる必要がある。

Given the declining working population and erosion in wage levels caused by the sluggish economy, workers who pay pension premiums are shouldering heavier financial burdens. This will widen the generational gap in pension payments and make it inevitable that younger generations will receive smaller payments compared with their contribution of premiums and taxes. This will make it difficult to maintain the pension system.
 労働力人口の減少や、不況に伴う賃金水準の低下で、年金保険料を納める現役世代の負担は重くなる一方だ。保険料や税の負担に比べ、給付が若い世代ほど少なくなる「世代間格差」が拡大し、制度の維持は難しくなる。

We urge the parties to also discuss how to expand the application of the corporate employees pension plan to nonregular workers, who have been increasing sharply, and what can be done for people who receive small pensions or none at all.
 急増する非正規労働者に対する厚生年金の適用拡大や、低年金・無年金者対策についても論じてもらいたい。

In its effort to overhaul the pension system, the DPJ calls for establishing a guaranteed minimum pension payment. If this minimum monthly payment of 70,000 yen is to be covered by tax revenue, the consumption tax will have to be increased by up to another 6.2 percentage points. The likelihood that this proposal will be implemented is low.
 民主党は年金制度を抜本的に見直そうと「最低保障年金」の創設を提唱している。だが、民主党が従来「月7万円」としてきた給付額を税財源で賄うと、消費税をさらに最大6・2%引き上げる必要があり、実現性に乏しい。

The draft of the DPJ campaign platform for the upcoming election does not mention any concrete figure for the minimum pension payment, apparently a reaction to the criticism it received on this issue.
 今回の衆院選の政権公約(マニフェスト)原案に給付額の記載がないのは、こうした批判を意識したためだろう。

On the other hand, the LDP and Komeito want the current system maintained, but neither has shown enough concrete steps to keep it intact.
 一方、自民、公明両党は現行制度の維持を主張しているが、そのための具体策は十分ではない。

We urge each party to present its vision for the public pension system and ways to improve it.
 各党は、年金の将来像と制度の改善策を示すべきだ。

===

Health insurance facing crisis
 ◆危機的な健康保険財政◆

As baby boomers will be 75 or older in 2025, demand for health and nursing care will rise. It can safely be said that the improvement of at-home medical and nursing care and the upgrading of nursing care facilities are needed urgently.
 団塊世代が75歳以上の後期高齢者となる2025年に向けて、医療や介護の需要は増大する。在宅医療・介護サービスの拡充や、介護施設の整備は急務と言える。

The DPJ asserts that the medical insurance system for elderly people 75 or older should be abolished, and people in this age group transferred to the national health insurance program.
 民主党は、後期高齢者医療制度を廃止し、75歳以上の高齢者は国民健康保険に移行することを主張している。

But this medical insurance system has taken root, and there is little need to ax it.
 だが、この制度は既に定着しており、廃止の必要性は希薄だ。

The LDP claims "the current system will be the base" of its plans. But some points need to be corrected.
 自民党は「現行制度が基本」としているが、改めるべき点はあろう。

Due to the sizable contributions paid to the medical insurance system for the elderly, the finances of health insurance programs have fallen into a critical state. One such case is the National Health Insurance Association, which chiefly covers workers at small and midsize companies and their families.
高齢者医療への巨額の拠出金で、協会けんぽなどの健康保険財政が危機に陥っている。

Each party needs to think harder about how the current system can be reviewed.
 各党は制度の見直しに、もっと知恵を絞る必要がある。

Time is of the essence for abolishing a special measure limiting out-of-pocket payments for medical bills people aged 70 to 74 pay to 10 percent of the total, and raising the limit to 20 percent as prescribed by law.
 70~74歳の医療費の窓口負担を1割に抑える特例措置をやめ、法律の規定通り2割負担に引き上げることも懸案だ。

Medical costs have been creeping up partly because elderly patients often have medical consultations and checks at more than one institution and receive duplicate medication, and due to soaring dispensing fees. These costs must be brought down to reasonable levels.
 複数の医療機関の受診や検査、投薬の重複、急増する調剤費など医療費の適正化も求められる。

Nursing care services are also being provided to some people whose need for it is not so pressing. Issues that need to be discussed include whether the out-of-pocket burdens of nursing care service bills should be raised and making sure people who need these services most are given priority.
 介護サービスは、現在は要介護状態ほど重くない要支援者も対象になっているが、今後は自己負担の引き上げや重度の要介護者への重点給付が検討課題になろう。

===

Roles of new council

Our society also needs to do more to rectify the low birthrate. The total fertility rate--the average number of children each woman has in her lifetime--was just 1.39 in 2011.
 少子化対策にも力を入れなければならない。1人の女性が産む子供の数を示す合計特殊出生率は、11年に1・39と低水準だ。

Under the comprehensive reform of the social security and tax systems, 700 billion yen of the revenue generated by the consumption tax increase will be allocated to child-rearing support. It is also important to consider how to find money for steps to boost the birthrate. The nation will still spend less on this than European countries do.
 社会保障と税の一体改革で、消費増税分のうち7000億円を子育て支援に充てることになっている。それでも欧州諸国に比べ依然少ない少子化対策費をどう確保するか、という観点も重要だ。

 ◆国民会議の役割は重い◆

The soon-to-be established national council on social security system reform will have crucial roles to play. It needs to discuss how to build a solid social security system and to prepare ways to hold down benefit payments.
 近く設置される社会保障制度改革国民会議が果たす役割は小さくない。信頼できる社会保障体制の構築を議論し、給付の抑制策をまとめる必要がある。

Unless the social security system is stable, people will remain anxious about their future. Regardless of which party holds power, it should maintain the current system while making modifications to accommodate the changing state of society. With this in mind, we hope each party will take part in constructive debates on this matter.
 社会保障制度は安定したものでなければ、国民の不安は解消しない。どの政党が政権についても、制度を維持しながら、状況の変化に応じて修正を加えていくべきである。それを念頭に、建設的な論戦を展開してもらいたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 26, 2012)
(2012年11月26日01時20分  読売新聞)

コメント
この記事をはてなブックマークに追加

エネルギー政策 「脱原発」の大衆迎合を排せ

2012-11-27 05:27:25 | 英字新聞

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Nov. 26, 2012)
Parties should base N-policies on realism, not popular emotions
エネルギー政策 「脱原発」の大衆迎合を排せ(11月25日付・読売社説)

 ◆電力安定確保の観点で選択を◆

How should Japan achieve a stable supply of power, which is indispensable for people's livelihoods and economic growth? Energy policies will become a major issue in the House of Representatives election to be held Dec. 16.
 国民生活と経済成長に不可欠な電力をどのように安定的に確保するか。衆院選でエネルギー政策は大きな争点となる。

Nuclear power policies by the ruling and opposition parties have come under the spotlight due to the crisis at Tokyo Electric Power Co.'s Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant following the March 11, 2011, earthquake and tsunami.
 東京電力福島第一原子力発電所の事故を受け、各党の原発政策が注目される。

It will be difficult to resolve many issues facing Japan, a country poor in natural resources, if the nation is divided simply between two camps--those seeking the abandonment of nuclear power and those wanting to keep it. All parties should hold in-depth discussions on the issue from various points of view, ranging from the economy and employment to the global environment and nuclear nonproliferation.
 「脱原発」か、否か、という単純な二項対立では、資源小国・日本の諸課題を解決できない。各党は景気や雇用、地球環境、核不拡散など多角的な視点から、地に足の着いた論戦を展開すべきだ。

 ◆無責任な民主党の公約◆

The Fukushima crisis has resulted in the public becoming increasingly anxious over the safety of nuclear reactors. The government has to take all possible measures to boost their safety and prevent a similar crisis from occurring.
 福島の事故で原発の安全に対する国民の不安は高まった。原発の安全性を向上させ、再発防止に万全を期さなければならない。

Considering that Japan's self-sufficiency in energy stands at just 4 percent, it is unrealistic for the nation to immediately abandon nuclear power, which supplies about 30 percent of the nation's electricity.
 エネルギー自給率が4%の日本が、全電源の約3割を占める原発をただちに放棄するのは非現実的だ。

The nation's system for supplying electricity--often described as the "lifeblood of the economy"--would be weakened if the government gets emotionally carried away by attempts to ditch nuclear power generation. Such a stance could create problems for the nation's economy in the future.
 ムードに流されて安易に脱原発に走れば、「経済の血液」である電力供給が弱体化する。日本経済の将来に禍根を残しかねない。

In campaigning for the election, each party should be aware that Japan stands at a crossroads in making an important choice--so should voters in casting their ballots.
 各党と有権者は、重大な選択の岐路に立っていることを自覚して選挙に臨む必要がある。

It is a cause of concern that so many parties advocate denuclearization. We suspect they are just making policy promises that appeal to voters to win more support by taking advantage of people's anxiety over nuclear power generation.
 懸念されるのは脱原発を掲げる政党が目立つことだ。国民の不安に乗じて支持拡大を狙う大衆迎合ではないか。

===

DPJ's irresponsible pledge

When compiling its manifesto for the upcoming general election, the ruling Democratic Party of Japan reportedly will include a target of "zero nuclear power plants" operating in the 2030s--a policy stated by the government's Innovative Strategy for Energy and the Environment. However, this strategy is flawed, because it fails to take into account the serious blow denuclearization would have on the nation's economy, and it is troubling that the DPJ would base a campaign pledge on it.
 民主党は政府が「革新的エネルギー・環境戦略」で打ち出した2030年代の「原発ゼロ」を、政権公約(マニフェスト)に盛り込むという。経済への打撃を軽視した、欠陥だらけの「戦略」をそのまま公約するのは問題だ。

Under the zero-nuclear power policy by the DPJ-led government, most nuclear power reactors' operations have remained suspended. Moreover, Japan's national wealth has been flowing out of the country at a rate of 3 trillion yen every year because of a surge of imports of liquefied natural gas and other fuel at a time when power suppliers are walking on a tightrope by operating aging thermal power plants at full capacity.
 民主党政権の「脱原発路線」の影響で、ほとんどの原発が再稼働できていない。老朽化した火力発電所をフル稼働する綱渡りの中、液化天然ガス(LNG)など燃料の輸入が急増し、年3兆円もの国富が流出し続けている。

Japan's industrial hollowing-out is accelerating as more and more companies move their factories overseas. This has had a serious impact on the nation's employment. However, the DPJ has done insufficient soul-searching over its own political missteps in the electricity field.
 工場が海外移転する産業空洞化も加速し、国内雇用は危機に直面している。民主党は自らの“電力失政”への反省が足りない。

Shinzo Abe, president of the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party, has criticized the DPJ as "really irresponsible" by proposing a zero-nuclear power policy. It is reasonable for the LDP--as a party aiming to return to power--to make clear in its campaign platform that an LDP government would take responsibility in reactivating nuclear reactors once their safety has been scientifically proved.
 自民党の安倍総裁は、民主党の「原発ゼロ」方針を「極めて無責任だ」と批判した。科学的に安全性が確認できた原発は政府が責任を持って再稼働させると明言したのは、政権復帰を目指す責任政党として妥当な姿勢である。

However, the LDP's election platform states that the nation's energy source structure for mid- and long terms should be mapped out in the next 10 years. This shows it badly lacks a sense of urgency.
 自民党の公約が、中長期的なエネルギー構成を10年かけて決めるとしているのはスピード感に欠ける。

The party must hammer out a clear-cut approach to effectively utilizing nuclear power generation. At the same time, it is essential to study ways to adequately dispose of radioactive waste.
原発を有効活用する明確な方針を打ち出すべきだ。あわせて核廃棄物の処理について検討を進めることが欠かせない。

Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party), which showed how eager it was to form a "third political force" to take on the DPJ and the LDP when it merged with former Tokyo Gov. Shintaro Ishihara's Taiyo no To (The Sunrise Party), made the right decision by saying it would abandon its policy of "eliminating nuclear power generation altogether in the 2030s."
 民主、自民の両党に次ぐ「第3極」を目指す日本維新の会が、石原慎太郎前東京都知事の率いる太陽の党と合流した際、「30年代に原発全廃」の従来方針を取り下げたのは結構な判断だった。

However, Ishin no Kai's new energy platform, which calls for nothing more than "building a new supply-demand framework of energy," is regrettably equivocal.
 だが、新たな政策が「新しいエネルギー需給体制の構築」というだけでは、あいまい過ぎる。

===

Renewable resources can't fill bill
 ◆再生エネ過信は禁物だ◆

Other parties, such as People's Life First and the Japanese Communist Party, have argued for the immediate or early cessation of the nation's nuclear power generation.
 一方、即時あるいは早期の原発ゼロを主張するのが、国民の生活が第一や共産党などである。

Foes of nuclear power generation have insisted this country's need for electricity can be met without nuclear power plants on the ground that there was no blackout during the peak power consumption period in summer. Their argument, however, ignores such adverse consequences as the decline in the nation's production and hikes in electricity rates.
 反原発派は夏のピーク時に停電しなかったため「原発なしで電気は足りる」と主張するが、生産停滞や電力料金の上昇などの悪影響を無視した的外れな見解だ。

The parties calling for the abandonment of nuclear power generation lack sincerity if they fail to explain to the voters the negative impacts that would accompany such a move.
 脱原発のマイナス面も率直に有権者に示して選択を求める誠実な姿勢が求められる。

As alternative sources of energy, most parties have stressed the importance of such renewable energy sources as solar power and wind power.
 ほとんどの党は、原発の代替電源として太陽光や風力など再生可能エネルギーを挙げる。

Although we would like to see the proliferation of such resources, renewable energy sources, with the exception of hydroelectric power generation, currently account for little more than 1 percent of the country's entire electricity output. It is far too optimistic to believe renewable energy sources would grow into a major source of electricity large enough in the near future to replace nuclear power generation.
再生エネの普及に期待したいが、水力を除けば全発電量の1%強にすぎない。すぐに原発に代わる主要電源に育つと見るのは甘すぎる。

The dearth of electricity, at least for now, cannot help but be addressed by the augmentation of thermal power generation using such fuels as coal and LNG.
 当面は石炭やLNGなど火力発電の増強で対応せざるを得まい。

It is nothing but an expedient, opportunist line of argument to advocate the abandonment of nuclear power while failing to mention such environmental problems as increases in greenhouse gas emissions and air pollution due to an expansion of thermal power generation.
火力発電の増加による温室効果ガス排出や大気汚染など、環境問題に触れずに、「脱原発」を唱えるのはご都合主義である。

The lessons left behind by the two "oil shocks" in the 1970s and early 1980s, in which Japan, heavily dependent on oil for power generation, could have faced blackouts. It is imperative to secure a wide range of energy alternatives, including nuclear power generation.
 発電燃料を原油に頼り、停電の危機に陥った石油ショックの教訓は重い。原発を含む多様な電源の選択肢を持つことが大切だ。

===

Diplomatic, security ramifications
 ◆外交・安保にも影響が◆

The zero-nuclear power policy of the government and the DPJ has puzzled the United States and European countries as it appears to contradict the government's stance of promoting at the same time the nation's nuclear fuel recycling program.
 政府・民主党の「原発ゼロ」方針には、核燃料サイクルを同時に進める矛盾について欧米から疑問が呈された。

Washington, for that matter, has expressed strong concern that impediments may arise to ensuring the peaceful use of nuclear energy and nuclear nonproliferation.
米国は原子力の平和利用や核不拡散に支障が出かねないとして、強い懸念を示した。

This is because spent nuclear fuel, if unused for power generation purposes after being reprocessed, would continue to be amassed, meaning that Japan's stockpile of plutonium, which can be diverted for the production of nuclear weapons, would keep increasing.
 再処理した核燃料を発電に使わないと、核兵器に転用できるプルトニウムの保有量が、再処理で増え続けることになるからだ。

There could even be a possibility of this country losing both the special right to stockpile plutonium as stipulated by the Japan-U.S. Nuclear Power Cooperation Agreement and the nation's status as a partner of the United States in its nuclear policy in Asia.
 日米原子力協定で認められているプルトニウム保有という特別な権利も、アジアにおける米核政策のパートナーの地位も、日本は同時に失う恐れがある。

From the standpoint of the nation's diplomatic and security priorities, the irresponsible argument for eliminating nuclear power generation must be abandoned.
外交・安全保障の観点からも、安易な「脱原発」は避けるべきである。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 25, 2012)
(2012年11月25日01時19分  読売新聞)

コメント
この記事をはてなブックマークに追加

アジア経済連携 TPPテコに日本が主導せよ

2012-11-26 03:47:32 | 英字新聞

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Nov. 25, 2012)
Japan should take lead in regional trade pacts
アジア経済連携 TPPテコに日本が主導せよ(11月24日付・読売社説)

New initiatives have been launched to create two huge free trade blocs in Asia. Japan will face a test as to whether it can work out a strategy to expedite such moves to boost its economic growth.
 アジアで新たに二つの巨大な自由貿易圏作りが動きだした。日本の成長促進へ、同時に推進する戦略が問われよう。

In Phnom Penh, 16 countries--Japan, Australia, China, India, New Zealand, South Korea and the 10 members of Association of Southeast Asian Nations--announced the start of negotiations under a regional comprehensive economic partnership (RCEP).
 日中韓と、東南アジア諸国連合(ASEAN)10か国、インド、豪州、ニュージーランドの計16か国がプノンペンで、包括的経済連携(RCEP)の交渉開始を宣言した。

The 16 nations are scheduled to begin the negotiations in early 2013 and aim to conclude terms, such as on tariff cuts and partial liberalization of investment in the region, by the end of 2015.
 16か国は2013年初めに交渉をスタートさせ、域内関税の引き下げや投資障壁の削減などについて15年末までの妥結を目指す。

The combined gross domestic products of the RCEP nations total 20 trillion dollars, accounting for 30 percent of the global economy. This trade initiative is based on a vision Japan proposed. It would be significant to create a free trade zone that would include new economic giants China and India.
 RCEPは、国内総生産(GDP)の合計が20兆ドルに達し、世界の3割を占める経済圏だ。日本が提唱してきた構想がベースになっている。経済大国に成長した中国とインドを含む自由貿易圏を構築するメリットは大きい。

Hopes are high for the RCEP because the outcome of its negotiations could help Japanese companies expand their exports. The firms could also find it easier to develop international supply chains, which would link their production bases at home and in the RCEP region. This could pave the way for them to exploit Asia's dynamics to shore up their businesses.
 交渉次第で日本企業の輸出拡大が期待できる。国内と域内の生産拠点をつないだ国際的なサプライチェーン(供給網)も整えやすくなる。アジアの活力を取り込むビジネス展開の道が広がろう。

===

Trilateral talks start next year

Japan, China and South Korea have also agreed to start trilateral free trade agreement (FTA) negotiations next year.
 日中韓3か国は併せて、自由貿易協定(FTA)の交渉を来年開始することでも合意した。

Japan and China remain in a state of confrontation over the Senkaku Islands, while Japan's relationship with South Korea has become tense over the Takeshima islands. It is reasonable for the Japanese government to separate such territorial rows from trade issues and enter the negotiations, giving priority to the economy. We hope the government will seek early trade agreements.
 日中は尖閣諸島、日韓は竹島を巡って対立しているが、領土問題を切り離し、経済優先で交渉に踏み出したのは妥当だ。早期合意を目指してもらいたい。

The launch of negotiations under these two trade frameworks was apparently prompted by China's concerns. Beijing appears to be wary about the strategy of the administration of U.S. President Barack Obama to increase his country's influence in Asia by promoting the Trans-Pacific Partnership multinational free trade talks.
 二つの枠組みで交渉開始が決まった背景には、中国の思惑がうかがえる。中国は、米オバマ政権が環太平洋経済連携協定(TPP)交渉を推進し、アジアでの影響力増大を図っていることを警戒しているからだ。

To counter the TPP framework, which excludes China, Beijing has made its stance clear that it will push for the RCEP and the trilateral FTA, which do not involve the United States.
 中国抜きのTPPに対抗するためにも、米国が非メンバー国のRCEPや日中韓FTAを重視する方針を鮮明にしたと言える。

Apart from these, China has also agreed to create a free trade bloc under a framework, called the Free Trade Area of Asia-Pacific (FTAAP), which comprises 21 members such as Japan, China and the Untied States.
 これとは別に、日中や米国など21か国・地域は、地域全体をカバーするアジア太平洋自由貿易地域(FTAAP)を将来的に実現する方針でも合意済みだ。

===

U.S., China rivalry to intensify

The FTAAP has no clear prospects. In the meantime, the tug-of-war between the United States, which is focusing on the TPP, and China, which is attempting to make the RCEP central to the region's economic activities, is expected to intensify.
 FTAAPへの道筋は不透明だが、TPPを軸にする米国と、RCEPを中心に据えたい中国との綱引きが活発化するだろう。

Meanwhile, Japan has come under pressure over its trade policies. Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda has repeatedly said his government "will pursue the TPP, the FTA among Japan, China and South Korea and the RCEP at the same time."
 問われるのは日本の通商政策だ。野田首相は「TPP、日中韓FTA、RCEPを同時並行的に推進する」と繰り返している。

First of all, Japan should speed up work to join the TPP talks as early as possible. The government then should use the TPP participation as a catalyst to proceed with negotiations for the RCEP and the trilateral FTA for the nation's benefit. We also hope Japan will win the terms it is seeking in the TPP negotiations.
 日本はまず、TPPへの早期参加を急ぐべきだ。それを弾みにRCEPや日中韓の交渉を有利に進め、TPP交渉でも自らの主張を反映できるようにしたい。

Amid competition between the United States and China, Japan needs to take the initiative in forming economic partnerships in Asia while protecting its interests.
 米中のせめぎ合いの中、日本の国益を守りつつ、アジア経済連携を主体的に作る必要がある。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 24, 2012)
(2012年11月24日01時34分  読売新聞)

コメント
この記事をはてなブックマークに追加