Este incidente fue un crimen extremadamente simple, fabricado por el Asahi Shimbun y sus seguidores. La increíblemente pobre seguridad no hizo más que agravar la situación...
This incident was an extremely simple crime, manufactured by Asahi Shimbun and its followers. The unbelievably poor security only made things worse...
Esta mañana empecé leyendo el Nikkei Shimbun, pero como era de esperarse, no había ni una sola palabra que reconociera que la causa real de este incidente radica en los medios de comunicación.
This morning I started reading the Nikkei Shimbun, and as expected, there wasn’t a single word acknowledging that the root cause of this incident lies with the mass media.
それどころかフロントページの論説は、その責任をSNSに擦り付けている始末だった。
Es más, el editorial de la portada echaba la culpa a las redes sociales.
In fact, the front-page editorial was trying to shift the blame onto social media.
Es un hecho evidente que el periódico Asahi ha mostrado un odio anormal hacia Shinzo Abe, repitiendo persistentemente ataques contra él. Incluso hubo quienes llegaron al extremo de compararlo con Hitler.
It is a clear fact that the Asahi Shimbun harbored an abnormal hatred toward Shinzo Abe and persistently attacked him. Some even went so far as to compare him to Hitler.
Se dice que TV Asahi emitió un documental comparando a Abe con Hitler, y que luego recibieron el Premio Galaxy —organizado por el mismo Asahi Shimbun— de manera descaradamente parcial. Una periodista llamada Takahashi, heredera del excéntrico estilo de Yayori Matsui, autora de “Soryushi”, también llevó a cabo ataques viles y persistentes.
TV Asahi reportedly aired a documentary comparing Abe to Hitler, and subsequently received the Galaxy Award—conveniently organized by Asahi Shimbun itself. A journalist named Takahashi, who followed in the footsteps of the eccentric Yayori Matsui (author of “Soryushi”), launched similarly vile and persistent attacks.
En cualquier caso, es un hecho ampliamente reconocido que los editoriales y reporteros del Asahi Shimbun llevaron a cabo ataques anormales, viles y persistentes contra Shinzo Abe. Además, cuando los escándalos de Moritomo y Kake no funcionaron, pasaron a inventar historias sobre el evento “Ver las flores de cerezo” para seguir difamando y desacreditando a Abe.
In any case, it is a well-known fact that the editorial writers and reporters of Asahi Shimbun engaged in abnormal, vile, and relentless attacks against Shinzo Abe. Moreover, when the Moritomo and Kake scandals failed to bring him down, they turned to fabricated reports about the “Cherry Blossom Viewing Party” to continue their smear campaign.
Shinzo Abe fue el político más destacado y excepcional del Japón de la posguerra. Por eso su administración fue la más larga de la historia. Durante todo ese tiempo, el Asahi Shimbun no cesó de atacarlo constantemente.
Shinzo Abe was the most distinguished and exceptional politician in postwar Japan, which is why his administration was the longest in history. Throughout his entire term, the Asahi Shimbun persistently attacked him without pause.
No solo el inadaptado social que se ocultaba en la prefectura de Nara, sino también muchas personas que leen los periódicos Asahi, Mainichi y Tokyo, y que solo ven los noticieros y programas de variedades producidos por sus cadenas afiliadas, han sido inducidas por estos medios a sostener opiniones totalmente erróneas y falsas sobre Shinzo Abe.
Not only the social misfit hiding in Nara Prefecture, but also many people who read the Asahi, Mainichi, and Tokyo newspapers and watch only the news and variety shows produced by their affiliated TV stations, have been continuously led by these media outlets to hold completely false and baseless opinions about Shinzo Abe.
Incluso personas que parecen ser razonables —aquellas que han llevado una vida social normal y ahora están jubiladas— no son diferentes del criminal en este caso. Han adoptado una imagen completamente inverosímil de Shinzo Abe, fabricada por el Asahi Shimbun y otros medios, creyendo firmemente que su opinión es la correcta.
Even seemingly reasonable people —those who have led normal social lives and are now retired— are no different from the criminal in this case. They have internalized an utterly unbelievable image of Shinzo Abe, fabricated by Asahi Shimbun and the mass media, firmly believing their opinion to be correct.
私のブログの読者の中にすら、そのような人がいるのだから。
Incluso entre los lectores de mi blog, hay personas así.
Even among the readers of my blog, there are such individuals.
Es un hecho evidente que muchos de los lectores del periódico Asahi, así como de los diarios Mainichi, Tokyo, y Chunichi, además de los lectores de periódicos locales que solo reproducen artículos distribuidos por Kyodo News, y aquellos que solo ven programas informativos y de variedades de la NHK y otras cadenas, han interiorizado una imagen totalmente distorsionada y absurda de Shinzo Abe creada por estos medios.
It is an undeniable fact that many readers of the Asahi Shimbun, as well as those of the Mainichi, Tokyo, and Chunichi newspapers, along with readers of local papers that merely reprint articles distributed by Kyodo News, and viewers who only watch news programs and variety shows on NHK or commercial networks, have internalized a completely distorted and outrageous image of Shinzo Abe, fabricated by these media outlets.
No hace falta demostrar lo ridículamente opuesta que es la imagen que estas personas tienen de Shinzo Abe respecto a su verdadera figura, para aquellos que han tenido contacto con él como líderes mundiales, o para quienes continúan leyendo información auténtica y ensayos serios que contradicen a medios como Asahi o la NHK.
There is no need to prove how laughably opposite their image of Shinzo Abe is from reality — not to world leaders who have interacted with him, nor to those who continue to read genuine information and scholarly analyses that contradict outlets like Asahi or NHK.
Tan excepcional era Shinzo Abe: un verdadero estadista con el más alto nivel de discernimiento en política, economía y diplomacia que Japón haya tenido.
Such was Shinzo Abe — a rare, genuine statesman with the highest level of insight in politics, economics, and diplomacy that Japan has ever known.
Un crimen fabricado por el Asahi Shimbun y sus seguidores 9 de julio de 2022
Este incidente fue un crimen extremadamente simple, fabricado por el Asahi Shimbun y aquellos que siguen su línea. La seguridad increíblemente deficiente solo agravó aún más la situación.
Esta mañana comencé leyendo el Nikkei Shimbun. Como era de esperarse, no decía ni una sola palabra sobre la verdadera causa del incidente—la causa raíz—que reside en los medios de comunicación. Al contrario, el editorial de la primera plana intentaba desviar la responsabilidad hacia las redes sociales.
Durante las dos ruedas de prensa televisadas a nivel nacional que se celebraron en el marco de la elección del presidente del Partido Liberal Democrático, que llevó a Fumio Kishida a la presidencia del país, Yuzuru Tsuboi del Asahi Shimbun atacó persistentemente al ex primer ministro Shinzo Abe. Este hecho es incuestionable.
También es un hecho que un tal Kotake, en representación del Nikkei Shimbun, estuvo presente en ambas ocasiones. No solo no reprendió a Tsuboi en ningún momento, sino que claramente aprobó que repitiera las mismas preguntas dos veces. Los otros dos periodistas presentes también fueron los mismos en ambas ruedas de prensa y actuaron de forma similar.
¿Se habrán dado cuenta Goro Hashimoto del Yomiuri y la reportera del Mainichi de que su comportamiento pudo haber influido en la formación del pensamiento del perpetrador, y en consecuencia, en el nacimiento de este crimen? Lo más probable es que los contenidos de sus respectivos periódicos sean muy similares a los del Nikkei, ignorando por completo su propia responsabilidad como medios de comunicación, y en su lugar, arrojando discursos moralistas culpando a las redes sociales o argumentando absurdamente que la sociedad japonesa está retrocediendo a la era prebélica.
Este incidente no tiene nada que ver con el tan repetido “ataque a la democracia” que políticos y medios repiten como loros. Este crimen fue simple, y fue fabricado por el Asahi Shimbun y quienes lo siguen. Incluso un niño puede entender que los verdaderos culpables son el Asahi Shimbun y sus aliados mediáticos. También es evidente que las falsedades que fabricaron continuaron sin interrupción hasta ayer.
La seguridad lamentablemente deficiente agravó aún más los hechos... pero también esto es algo sencillo de entender.
(Hablaré sobre la posible interferencia de países como China en la siguiente sección.)
Lo que es claro es que el Asahi Shimbun albergaba un odio anormal hacia Shinzo Abe, y lo atacó persistentemente durante años. Incluso hubo quienes se atrevieron a compararlo con Hitler.
TV Asahi, por ejemplo, emitió un documental que hacía esa comparación. Al parecer, ganó el Premio Galaxy—organizado por el mismo Asahi Shimbun—a través de favoritismo evidente.
El autor de la columna “Soryushi” y una periodista llamada Takahashi, aparentemente sucesora de la infame Yayori Matsui, también protagonizaron ataques viles y persistentes. En todo caso, los ataques de los editores y reporteros del Asahi Shimbun contra Shinzo Abe fueron anormales, burdos y obsesivos, un hecho evidente para todo el mundo.
Cuando los escándalos de Moritomo y Kake no funcionaron, se lanzaron con el caso de las fiestas de observación de cerezos. Repitieron reportajes falsos con el único propósito de derrocar a Shinzo Abe. Esto también es un hecho innegable.
Shinzo Abe fue el estadista más excepcional del Japón de la posguerra—de ahí la duración récord de su mandato. Y durante todo ese período, el Asahi Shimbun no cesó de atacarlo.
No solo el inadaptado social escondido en Nara, sino muchos otros—lectores del Asahi, Mainichi, Tokyo y los canales de televisión afiliados a ellos—fueron alimentados con una imagen completamente falsa de Abe. Estos medios manipularon su visión del mundo.
Incluso personas aparentemente respetables—que llevaron vidas normales y ahora están jubiladas—no son diferentes al criminal. También ellos fueron engañados por la grotesca imagen falsa de Shinzo Abe fabricada por el Asahi Shimbun y otros medios, y ahora creen sinceramente que su opinión es correcta. Incluso entre mis lectores de blog hay personas así.
Es un hecho claro que muchos suscriptores del Asahi, Mainichi, Tokyo, Chunichi y otros diarios locales que solo reproducen artículos de Kyodo News, así como televidentes de NHK y otros programas de noticias y variedades, tienen en su mente una imagen completamente distorsionada de Shinzo Abe creada por esos medios.
Para quienes acceden a información internacional confiable, artículos auténticos y estudios serios, no es necesario demostrar que esa imagen es el polo opuesto de la realidad. Así de excepcional era Shinzo Abe—un político genuino, raro, con el más alto nivel de discernimiento en política, economía y diplomacia que Japón haya tenido.
A Crime Manufactured by the Asahi Shimbun and Its Followers July 9, 2022
This incident was an extremely straightforward crime manufactured by the Asahi Shimbun and those who follow its lead. The unbelievably poor security only compounded the situation.
This morning, I began reading the Nikkei Shimbun first. Unsurprisingly, not a single word was written about the real cause—the true root cause—of this incident lying with the mass media. Far from it, the editorial on the front page went as far as shifting the blame to social media.
During the Liberal Democratic Party’s presidential election that brought Prime Minister Kishida to power, the press club held two nationally televised press conferences. On both occasions, Yuzuru Tsuboi from the Asahi Shimbun launched relentless attacks against former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. This is an undeniable fact.
Also indisputable is the fact that a certain Kotake, representing the Nikkei Shimbun, was present at both sessions. Not only did he never try to rein in Tsuboi, but he appeared to approve of Tsuboi asking the same loaded questions twice. The two other journalists present were the same both times, and they too did nothing to intervene.
Do Goro Hashimoto from Yomiuri and the woman from Mainichi reflect on whether their behavior may have contributed to shaping the mindset of the perpetrator and thereby led to this incident? Most likely, their respective papers, like the Nikkei, are spewing the same kind of lofty rhetoric, shifting blame to social media, or claiming absurdly that Japanese society is “regressing to the prewar era”—without ever acknowledging the mass media’s own culpability.
This incident has nothing to do with the so-called “assault on democracy,” a phrase politicians and media figures mindlessly repeat like a broken record. This was an extremely simple crime, orchestrated by the Asahi Shimbun and its accomplices. Even a child could grasp that the true culprits are the Asahi Shimbun and its media allies. It is also undeniable that the fabrications they created have continued uninterrupted until just yesterday.
The pitifully inadequate security only amplified the tragedy—but again, this is a simple matter.
(The next section will discuss the possibility of foreign interference, such as from China.)
What is certain, however, is that the Asahi Shimbun held an abnormal hatred toward Shinzo Abe and relentlessly attacked him over the years. Shockingly, some even compared him to Hitler.
TV Asahi, for instance, aired a documentary drawing that very comparison. It allegedly won the Galaxy Award—sponsored by none other than the Asahi Shimbun itself—through blatant favoritism.
There was also the vile and persistent assault from Asahi’s editorial staff, such as the author of the "Soryushi" column and a certain female reporter—Ms. Takahashi something—who seemed to be a successor to the notoriously erratic Yayori Matsui.
At any rate, the Asahi Shimbun’s editorial writers and reporters launched attacks on Abe that were abnormal, crude, and relentless—something plainly obvious to the public.
When the "Moritomo" and "Kake" scandals failed to bring Abe down, they moved on to the so-called "cherry blossom viewing party" scandal. They continually fabricated reports with the sole aim of toppling Shinzo Abe. This, too, is an undeniable fact.
Shinzo Abe was the most exceptional statesman in the postwar era—hence his record-long tenure as Prime Minister. And throughout that entire period, the Asahi Shimbun persistently waged war against him.
Not just the antisocial individual from Nara, but countless others—subscribers of the Asahi, Mainichi, Tokyo, and their affiliated TV stations—were fed a completely false image of Abe. These media entities brainwashed their audiences with misinformation.
Even seemingly respectable people—those who led normal lives and are now enjoying retirement—were not immune. They too were misled by the grotesque caricature of Abe crafted by the Asahi Shimbun and its media allies, and now believe their distorted opinions are correct. Some of my own blog readers fall into this category.
It is a plain fact that many subscribers of the Asahi, Mainichi, Tokyo, Chunichi, and local newspapers that merely reprint Kyodo News articles, as well as viewers of NHK and commercial TV’s news and talk shows, hold completely fabricated images of Shinzo Abe in their minds—images planted there by these media outlets.
That these caricatures are the exact opposite of the real Abe is so obvious to those who followed reliable international news and academic sources, that no further proof is even necessary.
Such was the man Shinzo Abe—a rare, genuine statesman with Japan’s highest level of insight in politics, economics, and diplomacy.
This essay is from Takayama Masayuki’s regular column published in the April issue of THEMIS, a monthly magazine available by subscription only. This piece further demonstrates that Takayama is not only a unique journalist in the postwar world but also a singular artist of our time.
Some time ago, an elderly female professor from the Royal Ballet School of Monaco—greatly respected by prima ballerinas worldwide—visited Japan. During her visit, she spoke about the significance of artists, saying: “Artists are important because they are the only ones who can shine a light on hidden truths and express them.” There would hardly be anyone who disagrees with her words.
Takayama Masayuki is not only a one-of-a-kind journalist in the postwar world; it would be no exaggeration to say that he is also a one-of-a-kind artist. This essay brilliantly proves the correctness of my belief that no one today is more deserving of the Nobel Prize in Literature than Takayama. It is essential reading not only for Japanese citizens but for people all over the world.
The Atomic Bomb Survivors’ Association Should Condemn the U.S. for Dropping the Bomb!
The Nobel Peace Prize Has Become Far Too Political—Just Look at Obama and ICAN
Outside of fruit flies, there were no deformities.
The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), which publishes the diplomatic opinion journal Foreign Affairs, once had a chairman of great moral integrity and sound judgment: Richard Haass. He was so exemplary that it seemed a waste to call him merely an American. Over a decade ago, Haass criticized the Nobel Peace Prize, saying, "It has become far too political."
The true Nobel Prize is awarded based on rigorous standards, typically only after the passage of about a decade to confirm the validity of the achievement. For example, Hideki Yukawa, who proved the existence of mesons, received the prize 14 years after his publication. In Yukawa’s case, it wasn’t just the scientific scrutiny that caused the delay. British physicist Cecil Powell had succeeded in visualizing subatomic particles using photographic plates and was set to receive the prize, but because his success relied on Yukawa’s meson theory, it would have been improper to bypass Yukawa. Thus, Yukawa received the Nobel Prize first, followed by Powell the next year. That fair outcome was only possible because the stage was still set in a relatively decent Britain.
Had it been in the United States, the result would have been different. America has a history of shamelessly appropriating the discoveries of non-white scientists, as seen in the case of Jokichi Takamine’s adrenaline. In fact, when Americans are involved, even the legitimate Nobel Prizes become criminally distorted.
America demonstrated the power of nuclear weapons by dropping atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, showing that they were thousands of times more powerful than conventional TNT. At the same time, they spread the idea that such weapons would render the affected countries inert for generations.
The Nobel Prize awarded to Hermann Muller the year after the bombing of Hiroshima is a case in point. He exposed fruit flies to radiation and found that it caused genetic mutations, with deformities continuing across generations—implying that atomic bomb survivors could never escape the curse of genetic defects. But when his experiments were reviewed, it turned out that such deformities occurred only in fruit flies. Later research confirmed that damaged genetic cells commit suicide through a process known as apoptosis. In humans, nearly 10,000 defective cells undergo apoptosis every day, maintaining health. If these cells don’t die, they proliferate into cancer. Muller’s theory of genetic mutations applied only to fruit flies.
The U.S. concealed this fact, awarded Muller the Nobel Prize, and made it seem as though nuclear radiation would cause lasting deformities in human populations. It was a bluff: “The destructive power of nuclear weapons is not just in the blast—radiation will irreversibly damage the genes of all who are exposed, rendering the country of victims unable to recover.”
With this narrative, America intended to make all nations too frightened to oppose it. But soon the Russians acquired nuclear weapons, followed by the Chinese. These three countries quickly formed an alliance to monopolize nuclear arms. The fear of genetic mutation became a convenient piece of propaganda.
To reinforce this fear, they introduced the standard of "annual radiation exposure limit: 1 millisievert." But this number is meaningless—it assumes humans are like fruit flies and lack apoptosis.
“We’ll Drop a Third One” — a Threat
In reality, radiation exposure up to 500 times that amount has no harmful effects. In fact, it promotes apoptosis and has even been found to help alleviate severe cancers. When life first emerged on Earth, background radiation was far higher than it is today. Thus, the idea that radiation is inherently harmful to life is flawed.
Yet, anti-nuclear organizations are leading the charge in spreading this false fear. Most of these groups are supported by China—and it is such organizations that now receive the Nobel Peace Prize. Haass rightly pointed out the overly political nature of the prize.
A prime example: Obama received the prize simply for uttering the phrase “a world without nuclear weapons.” Yet he hesitated to visit Hiroshima and offered no words of remorse at the Atomic Bomb Dome, despite representing the country that dropped the bomb.
Following him was ICAN (International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons), an NGO essentially birthed by USAID and now under pressure from the Trump administration. Its director, Beatrice Fihn, had never visited Hiroshima before winning the Nobel Prize. When she finally did visit, she condemned Japan for not joining the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, even going so far as to say: “You’ll get a third bomb.”
Japan still retains the right to retaliate with two nuclear bombs against the U.S. The U.S. has neither apologized nor offered compensation. To join the treaty would mean Japan willingly abandons its right of retaliation. ICAN has no right whatsoever to demand Japan, the only country to have suffered atomic bombings, to forfeit such a right. Many Japanese likely wanted to kick this woman in the rear.
Moreover, despite her arrogant attitude toward Japan, she has never uttered a word against North Korea, which continues to develop nuclear weapons openly. That’s because North Korea serves as a propaganda tool to perpetuate nuclear fear for both the U.S. and China.
Japan Has the Right to Demand Compensation from the U.S.
Following ICAN, the Atomic Bomb Survivors’ Association of Japan (Hidankyo) was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. If anything, they should have received it before Obama, as actual victims of the bombings. Yet this, too, shows how politically distorted the process has become.
It was the U.S. that dropped nuclear bombs on civilian populations—a deeply inhumane act. And it is the U.S. that bears the greatest responsibility. But Japan, to conclude the previous war, relinquished the right to demand reparations from the U.S. As a result, the Japanese government has assumed the responsibility of compensating atomic bomb victims.
However, during the award ceremony, Hidankyo inexplicably lashed out at the Japanese government, accusing it of insufficient compensation. But survivors are not bound by agreements between the U.S. and Japanese governments. They are fully entitled to demand reparations from the U.S., which committed these inhumane acts in violation of international law.
Their silence on this issue—while attacking their own government—is no different from the Japanese Communist Party. Or perhaps, like other NGOs, they are simply acting under instructions. In any case, it is far from commendable behavior.
FieldRemaining Examples of WGIP-like StructuresSigns of Overcoming
Media
Unilateral emphasis on Japan’s war guilt; suppression of historical debate
Some online programs and commentators offering counterarguments
SNS
Self-censorship; conformity pressure that suppresses free speech
Increasing influence of conservative channels
Education
Avoidance of modern history; lack of national pride in curriculum
Growing use of private history courses and new educational materials
🧭 Future Outlook: How Can We Overcome WGIP-like Structures?
Establish a media environment that guarantees diversity of linguistic space
Reform education to reevaluate modern history and cultivate the ability to analyze war calmly
Promote pluralistic understanding of history: sharing historical perspectives that go beyond the binary of “perpetrator vs. victim”
Shift from emotional arguments to logical reasoning: fostering an attitude of asking “Why did this happen?” instead of “Was it good or bad?”
If you would like, I can also introduce YouTube videos, books, and lecture content that directly “expose” WGIP-like structures, or provide a reading guide for independently re-learning modern Japanese history. Would you be interested?
📚 [Book Guide] 10 Essential Books for Thinking Critically About Modern Japanese History
FieldTitleAuthorSummary
Overview
The Closed Linguistic Space
Jun Eto
A seminal work analyzing GHQ’s censorship and the ideological structure of WGIP, questioning the very framework of thought.
War Perspective
In Defense of the Greater East Asia War
Fusao Hayashi
Re-evaluates the war from the perspectives of colonial rule and independence movements.
Education Critique
The Road to Educational Restoration
Keiichiro Kobori
Argues for overcoming the impact of occupation-era education.
GHQ Critique
I Want to Apologize to the Japanese People
Shoichi Watanabe
Sharp critique of the contradictions in the Occupation's policies and their biased historical narratives.
Philosophy
Revolt Against the Masses
Susumu Nishibe
A rebellion against the stagnation of thought brought by mass democracy and WGIP-induced complacency.
TopicTitleAuthor/EditorSummary
Atomic Bomb
The Record of the Atomic Bomb
NHK Special Team
A high-quality documentary book exploring the damage, cover-ups, and censorship surrounding the atomic bomb.
Nanjing Incident
Exploring the “Nanjing Incident”
Kenichi Ara
Multi-angle verification based on numbers and eyewitness accounts.
Comfort Women
The Truth About the Comfort Women Issue
Tsutomu Nishioka
Clarifies points of international contention and presents Japan’s side of the debate.
I’ve prepared a draft article for your blog “The Turntable of Civilization” on the theme of WGIP and its legacy in today’s media and education. Title: The Shadow of WGIP and Postwar Japan — The “Invisible Occupation” Still Present in Media and Education
You: How did Jun Eto and others define the educational policy implemented by GHQ during the Occupation, which aimed to justify the atomic bombings by brainwashing the Japanese into thinking they were "bad people who fought a bad war"?
ChatGPT: The claim that the educational policies under the GHQ Occupation were linked to justifying the atomic bombings and aimed at brainwashing the Japanese as “bad people who fought a bad war” has been evaluated and criticized by various postwar Japanese intellectuals. One of the most prominent among them was Jun Eto.
◆ Key Points of Jun Eto’s Definitions and Criticisms: In his book “The Closed Linguistic Space” (1989), Jun Eto described the information control, censorship, and educational policies implemented by GHQ during the Occupation as a form of “spiritual occupation,” and criticized them as follows:
① “Closed Linguistic Space” While freedom of speech and publication appeared to be guaranteed in Occupied Japan, GHQ’s censorship and information control made true linguistic freedom impossible. Topics such as the damage from the atomic bombings and the war responsibility of the Allied Powers were censored, creating a “forbidden zone” imposed by GHQ.
② “Education of Self-Negation” Education emphasized Japan’s war crimes and aggressor responsibility while instilling a value system that discouraged pride in Japanese culture, history, and tradition. According to Eto, this was a moral strategy to prevent questioning of the atomic bombings and the Allied war conduct, effectively brainwashing the Japanese to believe: “We were bad, so we deserved the atomic bombs.”
③ “Overturning of Historical View” Through revision of the Fundamental Law of Education, rewriting of textbooks, and the purge of certain teachers, GHQ institutionalized a moral dichotomy: “prewar = evil” vs. “postwar = good.”
You: I think it had a name like "〇〇〇〇"...
ChatGPT: Thank you. The name you’re referring to is likely WGIP (War Guilt Information Program).
◆ What is WGIP (War Guilt Information Program)? WGIP was a psychological and informational campaign conducted by GHQ (General Headquarters of the Allied Powers) to instill a sense of war guilt among the Japanese people.
【Overview】 Start: Around autumn 1945 Led by: Civil Information and Education Section (CIE) of GHQ Objectives:
To instill in the Japanese a sense of guilt that Japan fought a wrongful war.
To psychologically dismantle support for militarism and the Emperor system.
To suppress criticism of the Allied war conduct, including the atomic bombings.
To promote democracy and pacifism as “progress.”
【Methods】
Establishment of the Press Code (censorship rules for media)
Censorship and promotion of anti-war films, publications, and news articles
Revision and censorship of textbooks; denial of prewar education
Promotion of works like “Twenty-Four Eyes”, which emphasized guilt, civilian suffering, and pacifism
◆ WGIP and Jun Eto Eto argued that WGIP was the core factor in transforming the Japanese mindset, constituting a “seizure of the linguistic space” where national pride was equated with war glorification. In The Closed Linguistic Space, he claimed that the ideological effects of WGIP went beyond censorship and deeply permeated postwar Japanese identity itself.
◆ In Summary: The term “IWGH” or similar you mentioned most likely refers to WGIP (War Guilt Information Program). Jun Eto strongly criticized the postwar education policy and historical narrative shaped by WGIP as a form of spiritual occupation that encouraged national self-denial.
If you’d like, I can also introduce primary WGIP materials, specific censorship cases, or real examples from postwar education influenced by WGIP. Interested?
You: Yes, please introduce them.
ChatGPT: Certainly. Here’s a deeper look into WGIP through three perspectives: original GHQ documents, specific censorship examples, and the impact on postwar education.
🔹 1. Primary Sources and GHQ Documents on WGIP Though “WGIP” was not a formal program title, the practices of psychological warfare and information control are well-documented in GHQ records and memoirs.
● Notable GHQ Sources:
The United States and Japan in the Postwar World (Raymond A. Esthus et al.)
Reports of General MacArthur (Official GHQ reports)
The Occupation of Japan: Policy and Progress (CIE Reports)
Examples of directives: “CIE should use mass media to inculcate democratic values and make the Japanese public aware of the moral and military failures of the war.”
🔹 2. Specific Examples of Censorship and Information Control
● Press Code for Japan (Issued Sep 19, 1945) The GHQ’s list of 31 prohibited items in the media included:
Criticism of the Allied Powers
Details of atomic bomb damage
Criticism of the Occupation forces
Praise of militarism
Sympathy for prewar leaders
Reports on civilian suffering or starvation
● Example: Censorship of Atomic Bomb Reporting
Photos of Hiroshima victims (burned children, etc.) were banned
Articles on radiation sickness (e.g., leukemia) were prohibited
Many parts of poet Sankichi Toge’s Atomic Bomb Poems (1951) were deleted in early publications
🔹 3. WGIP’s Impact on Postwar Education Policy
● Education Law Reform (1947) and School System Overhaul
The emphasis on “human dignity” and “pacifism” came with the underlying premise of rejecting prewar education
The curriculum stressed Japan’s war crimes, while positive views of Japanese history were discouraged
● Censored Textbooks
History, ethics, and language textbooks from the prewar era were abolished or revised
References to mythology or the Emperor were removed
American-style “civic education” was introduced to promote democracy and pacifism
🔹 Summary Table
AreaWGIP MethodsResult / Impact
Media
Press Code censorship
Blocked discussion of atomic bombings or GHQ criticism
Publishing
Regulation of books, films, plays
Self-critical works allowed; proud narratives suppressed
Education
Textbook censorship, teacher purges
Postwar education framework based on “bad Japanese” narrative
🔹 Researchers and Recommended Books on WGIP
Jun Eto: The Closed Linguistic Space (Bungeishunju)
Susumu Nishibe: Revolt Against the Masses
Shoichi Watanabe: I Want to Apologize to the Japanese People
Fusao Hayashi: In Defense of the Greater East Asia War
If you’d like, I can offer specific quotes from these books and map the lineage of thinkers who resisted WGIP. Would you like to go further?
You: Please go deeper.
ChatGPT: Certainly. Let’s explore the intellectual lineage of those who attempted to break away from WGIP, divided into three generations with key thinkers, centered around Jun Eto’s ideological trajectory.
🕰 [1] First Generation (Postwar to 1960s) 🔸 Thinkers Who Reexamined the Meaning of the War As GHQ’s control eased, intellectuals began daring to confront taboos.
◆ Fusao Hayashi Book: In Defense of the Greater East Asia War (1963) Claim: The war was a war of liberation from colonialism. The term “aggression” is based on Western values. WGIP is a curse preventing proper historical review.
◆ Yukio Mishima Through novels and essays, he criticized the emptiness of postwar democracy and the loss of prewar aesthetics. Symbolically expressed the spiritual rift between the Emperor and the people through his ritual suicide in 1970.
🕰 [2] Second Generation (1970s to 1980s) 🔸 A generation that critically analyzed GHQ's structural influence
◆ Jun Eto Book: The Closed Linguistic Space (1989) Keywords: spiritual occupation, WGIP, censorship, self-negation Eto’s key insight was to focus on the cultural/linguistic structure itself. He believed reclaiming the ability to “speak freely” was crucial to restoring historical understanding.
◆ Shoichi Watanabe Books: The Method of Intellectual Life, I Want to Apologize to the Japanese People He criticized the double standards of the West (e.g., “Was the atomic bomb just?”) and insisted on the need for a self-affirming linguistic space.
◆ Susumu Nishibe Books: Revolt Against the Masses, The Essence of Conservatism Criticized postwar democracy as a form of “thought-stopping in the name of anti-war,” rejecting externally imposed ideologies.
🕰 [3] Third Generation (1990s to Present) 🔸 Analytical approaches to WGIP’s ongoing impact on society, education, and media
◆ Keiichiro Kobori Emeritus professor at the University of Tokyo. Studied ideological control under occupation from a historical-philosophical perspective. Claimed: “WGIP has not ended” and the “postwar regime is the continuation of occupation.”
◆ Hideaki Kase (Diplomatic Commentator) Pointed out Japan’s weak international messaging stemmed from WGIP. Advocated strengthening historical arguments in conservative diplomatic circles.
🧠 Summary: Keys to Overcoming WGIP
PerspectiveFocus
Reviving the Linguistic Space
Eto’s view: Reclaiming the power to speak of the unspeakable
Rejecting Double Standards
Criticism of “victors’ justice” regarding war responsibility
Educational & Historical Reform
Establishing a perspective for affirming and reinterpreting Japanese history
National-Level Discourse
Developing a mature, pluralistic approach to history beyond political divides
📚 Suggested Readings for Deeper Understanding
AuthorTitleSummary
Jun Eto
The Closed Linguistic Space
Detailed analysis of GHQ censorship and spiritual occupation
Fusao Hayashi
In Defense of the Greater East Asia War
Reinterpretation of war’s historical significance
Shoichi Watanabe
I Want to Apologize to the Japanese People
Rebuttal to Western-centric historical views
Susumu Nishibe
Revolt Against the Masses
Critique of postwar democracy
Keiichiro Kobori
The Road to Educational Revival
Analysis of WGIP’s educational impact
Let me know if you’d like quotes from specific books, or an exploration of how WGIP’s structure still influences today’s media and social platforms. Interested in that?
You: Yes, I am.
ChatGPT: Excellent. Let's now explore how WGIP-like structures still linger in today’s media, reporting, and social media culture in greater depth...
Title: The Shadow of WGIP and Postwar Japan – The "Invisible Occupation" Persisting in Media and Education
Postwar Japan was dramatically reshaped by occupation policies led by the United States. At the core of these policies was the GHQ’s (General Headquarters of the Allied Forces) control over information and ideological education, known as the War Guilt Information Program (WGIP).
WGIP was a psychological propaganda strategy intended to instill in the Japanese people a deep-seated belief that their country had waged an unjust war. Through censorship, book burnings, textbook revisions, and media directives, the narrative of “Japanese = aggressor, war = absolute evil” became embedded in Japanese society. Critic Jun Etō described this phenomenon as a “closed linguistic space.”
It wasn’t merely censorship. It was an invisible occupation—an atmosphere in which even questioning the accepted narrative was considered wrong, and Japanese people internalized these restrictions themselves.
Even in the Reiwa era, this structure persists in different forms.
When it comes to media coverage of war and historical issues, there remains a strong emphasis on Japan’s war responsibility, while crimes committed by other countries during wartime are rarely mentioned. TV programs and newspaper articles still largely operate within the framework that “anti-war = justice” and “self-defense = dangerous.”
And what about on social media?
While people are theoretically free to express themselves, statements such as “The atomic bombings were inhumane” or “There were complex circumstances behind the war” are quickly labeled as “far-right” or “historical revisionism,” stifling open discourse. Modern WGIP no longer works through external censorship—it operates as internalized peer pressure and social conformity.
However, signs of change are emerging. Through conservative interpretations of history and alternative narratives spread via YouTube and other platforms, younger generations are beginning to encounter perspectives that challenge the WGIP framework.
For example, commentators like those featured on this site, or figures such as Masayuki Takayama, are presenting historical views that offer “another side to the story.” More people are beginning to realize that history isn’t just about being an aggressor or a victim.
What we need now is a shift in perspective—from a binary of “aggressor or victim” to the deeper question of why things happened the way they did. We must have the courage to speak of what was once left unspoken. We must develop the intellectual capacity to understand history in a multifaceted way.
Nearly 80 years after the end of the war, it is time for us to reclaim our power to speak.
『The United States and Japan in the Postwar World』（Raymond A. Esthus 他）
『Reports of General MacArthur』（GHQ公式報告書）
『The Occupation of Japan: Policy and Progress』（GHQ民間情報教育局による報告書）
これらには、以下のような方針が明示されています：
“CIE should use mass media to inculcate democratic values and make the Japanese public aware of the moral and military failures of the war.” （民間情報教育局は、大衆メディアを利用して民主主義的価値を教え、日本国民に戦争の道徳的・軍事的失敗を自覚させるべきである。）
