Even After Spending That Much, You Learn Nothing About the Truth of Xi Jinping and China

Even After Spending That Much, You Learn Nothing About the Truth of Xi Jinping and China from Articles Like These
August 4, 2018

The monthly cost to subscribe to the essential magazines I constantly recommend—WiLL, HANADA, Voice, and Seiron—is a modest ¥3,200. A discounted rate is even available with regular subscriptions.

In contrast, subscribing to the Asahi Shimbun alone costs over ¥5,000 per month. Add the NHK license fee, and it quickly becomes a serious financial burden.

Yet, even with this expense, it is no exaggeration to say that you will learn absolutely nothing about the reality of Xi Jinping or China from articles such as the one below. Worse, you may be misled into becoming an unknowing agent of China or the Korean Peninsula—like those Asahi correspondents who, far from simply appeasing Beijing, have effectively acted as proxies for the Chinese Communist Party.

This became glaringly obvious to the public in August four years ago.

To put it plainly: The Asahi Shimbun is terrible, and so are the editors at NHK who operate in lockstep with its warped perspective, guided only by the intellect of those who devoutly read Asahi. That, too, is an undeniable fact.

These outlets are guilty of what we call biased reporting. The magazines listed above deliver what we must call truthful journalism.

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“Prepare for Xi Jinping’s Militaristic Politics”

By Yoshihisa Komori – Published in Monthly WiLL

Under the slogan of ‘A Strong Army for a Prosperous Nation,’ China aims to surpass the U.S. and dominate. Japan and the U.S. must form joint permanent forces.

China's Ambitions

While the world and Japan seem fixated on North Korea’s nuclear negotiations with the U.S., a far more serious international issue looms for both countries: China’s growing ambitions.

Under Xi Jinping, China has accelerated its power expansion under slogans like “The Chinese Dream” and “The Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation.” Through strategies such as “One Belt, One Road,” Beijing is openly challenging U.S. hegemony.

At the June 2018 Central Foreign Affairs Work Conference, Xi went so far as to speak of “guiding the progress of all humanity.” In other words, China aims to lead the world with its own system.

Xi’s regime is rapidly building up military power to support this vision—challenging, dismantling, and overturning the international order established over decades by the U.S. and its allies.

The Trump administration, recognizing this dangerous trajectory, has officially declared an end to the previous "engagement policy" toward China, initiating a historic shift in U.S.-China relations.

In one clear example, the U.S. disinvited China from the RIMPAC 2018 naval exercises, reversing Obama’s decision to include them.

In June, U.S. Defense Secretary James Mattis visited China, meeting not only military leaders but Xi Jinping himself, to express America’s serious concerns. Xi responded by declaring China would “not yield an inch of Pacific territory,” clearly rejecting U.S. criticism of China's South China Sea aggression.

So, what lies ahead for U.S.-China policy? What exactly is China trying to achieve? What role does its military play? The answers to these questions are of critical national importance to Japan.

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Interview: Dr. Larry Wortzel on China’s Military Ambitions

Dr. Wortzel is one of America’s leading experts on China’s military, having served in U.S. military intelligence, as defense attaché in Beijing, a professor at the Army War College, vice president of the Heritage Foundation, and commissioner on the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.

On the U.S.-North Korea Summit

Q: What does the June 12 Trump-Kim summit in Singapore mean for China?

Wortzel: The country that benefits the most is China. Trump’s comments about halting U.S.-South Korea military exercises and possibly withdrawing U.S. troops are exactly what Beijing has long desired. These moves align perfectly with Xi Jinping’s goal of reducing U.S. presence in Asia.

It’s also symbolic that Kim Jong-un used a Chinese state aircraft to travel. North Korea desperately involved China in the process.

Q: So greater Chinese involvement in Korean affairs is a win for Beijing?

Wortzel: Absolutely. China’s role had been diminishing until recently, but with this summit, they were drawn back in. China hopes to see Kim’s regime continue, expand trade, and integrate North Korea into China’s economic orbit. A U.S. guarantee of North Korea’s security helps this goal—so yes, China was the biggest winner at the summit.

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To Be Continued.

Have you forgotten the wisdom and struggles of your ancestors?

A Gift Rendered Meaningless by Wisdom: Lessons from Mongolian Folklore and the True Nature of China's Belt and Road

August 3, 2018

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as previously discussed, is not merely a modern geopolitical strategy, but a continuation of China’s ancient imperial mindset. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) was created as a financial institution to support this initiative. At the time, I publicly declared that while many European countries rushed to join, Japan should categorically abstain—and now, evidence of the correctness of that stance is surfacing everywhere.

To the people of neighboring countries entangled in China’s ambitions, I ask this: Have you forgotten the wisdom and struggles of your ancestors?

Last year, I had the opportunity to read a thick scholarly volume that collected Mongolian folktales. Throughout, the term "duplicitous China" appeared repeatedly, underscoring the long-standing perception of Chinese cunning. Indeed, one could say the BRI is identical in spirit to the schemes of ancient Chinese dynasties.

In these stories, the Chinese emperor would send a “gift” to a neighboring country. How that nation responded could mean the difference between survival and subjugation.

In one tale, the Mongolian king, faced with such a gift, summoned the wisest minds in the land to devise a response. Yet the greatest among them, a man once held in highest esteem, had been slandered and forced to resign—similar to how Sugawara no Michizane was treated in Japan. Ultimately, the king realized no one could match this man’s intellect and entrusted him with the task of responding to China's veiled threat.

This man then issued a royal decree, searching for a man capable of eating an entire sheep by himself—a glutton. Upon finding such a man, he took him along on a mission to meet the Chinese emperor.

As I read this tale, I was struck by how different these cultures are from Japan, particularly in how comfortably they wield falsehood. In the imperial court, this wise man engaged in a brilliant game of wits, so thoroughly impressing the emperor that the latter was forced to concede: the gift—intended as a diplomatic trap to reduce Mongolia to a tributary state—was rendered meaningless. The emperor, recognizing that a nation capable of producing such wisdom could not be easily subdued, abandoned his plans for invasion.

Countries like Sri Lanka and Cambodia must have survived as nations and peoples precisely because they navigated through centuries of similarly cunning Chinese strategies. To now forget their ancestors' sacrifices and histories, to chase quick money and fall for China's duplicitous schemes—how would their forebears feel watching this unfold?

As for Japan, I had long since canceled my subscription to the Asahi Shimbun, but it was Takayama Masayuki who informed me that their China correspondent, Keiko Yoshioka, had been persistently advocating for Japan’s immediate entry into the AIIB and participation in the Belt and Road Initiative.

Incredibly, she even praised the AIIB’s first president, Jin Liqun, calling him a “well-rounded gentleman.” But as Takayama sharply retorted, has she no idea that con artists have historically used such polished appearances to deceive?

It is no exaggeration to say that Yoshioka, too, may well be under the influence of the Chinese Communist Party's extensive propaganda machine—whether via a money trap, a honey trap, or another method of subversion. One cannot help but wonder whether her pro-China and anti-Japan stance has gone so far that, in essence, she has become indistinguishable from a Chinese citizen herself.

 

 

Why the Phrase “Made in China 2025” Disappeared from Chinese Media:

Why the Phrase “Made in China 2025” Disappeared from Chinese Media: Signs of Xi Jinping’s Policy Retreat under U.S. Pressure
By Akio Yaita, Sankei Shimbun Foreign News Deputy Editor
Published August 3, 2018

Akio Yaita of the Sankei Shimbun is widely regarded as one of Japan’s foremost experts on China. The Sankei Shimbun, known for its critical stance toward the Chinese Communist Party, is often barred from press conferences—demonstrating its independence in stark contrast to newspapers like the Asahi Shimbun, which could be said not only to appease China but even to act as its mouthpiece. Unsurprisingly, its reporting on China tends to be far closer to the truth.

“Read Between the Lines,” Says the People’s Daily

When I was first posted to Beijing as a correspondent more than a decade ago, I noticed that Communist Party officials and intellectuals were reading the People’s Daily—the party’s official newspaper—with extraordinary care. Curious, I decided to follow suit.

But the articles were cryptic, filled with empty slogans like “Build socialism with Chinese characteristics” and “Uphold the Scientific Outlook on Development.” It was hard to tell what really mattered.

When I asked a senior party official for advice, he told me: “Ignore the content. Read between the lines.”

In China’s state-run media, the goal is not to inform but to glorify the Party and its leadership. Even understanding their statements literally serves little purpose. What matters is what disappears.

For example, when key terminology suddenly vanishes from print, it often signals a major policy shift. Likewise, when there’s a gap between what’s printed and what’s happening on the ground, it may mean local resistance is obstructing implementation.

Since then, I’ve trained myself to read The People’s Daily looking for vanished phrases and inconsistencies. It’s made Chinese politics a bit more intelligible.

The Disappearance of “Made in China 2025”

Roughly two months ago, I was startled when the term “Made in China 2025”—a cornerstone industrial policy of Xi Jinping’s administration—suddenly disappeared from official media.

Originally launched in 2015, “Made in China 2025” was a 10-year roadmap for transforming the country into a global manufacturing power by integrating information technology, improving quality, and enhancing branding.

But the plan received heavy international criticism. China’s state-backed funds were aggressively acquiring foreign high-tech firms, and foreign companies operating in China were being pressured to transfer proprietary technologies—raising concerns of trade agreement violations.

The U.S. Trade Representative slammed the policy as “state-led economic planning that undermines fair competition.” It became a central grievance in the U.S.-China trade war.

The disappearance of the term from Chinese media starting in June suggests that Beijing may be adjusting or retreating from the policy under American pressure.

Given that “Made in China 2025” was tied to Xi Jinping’s broader “centennial plan” to make China a global socialist power by 2049, any revision could have wide-ranging implications.

Growing Doubts About the Belt and Road

Another key initiative—Xi’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a modern-day Silk Road economic zone—has also begun to show cracks. State media continue to tout it heavily, and Xi himself frequently promotes it during overseas visits. But even as external criticism mounts, the domestic cheerleading continues unabated.

However, changes in the behavior of China’s state-owned enterprises suggest the on-the-ground commitment is weakening. According to official statistics, from January to May this year, investment linked to BRI projects totaled $63.2 billion (approx. ¥4 trillion), down 6% from the same period last year.

This may indicate growing resistance at the implementation level—a case of local actors following central directives in appearance only.

If the Internet Didn't Exist, This Truth Would Never Have Come to Light

If the Internet Didn't Exist, This Truth Would Never Have Come to Light

From the September Issue of Monthly WiLL — “NHK Manipulates Abe’s Debate Footage”
Published: August 3, 2018

The following is based on a segment from the news program Torano-mon News: Deep Dive into the Facts, hosted by Kunihiko Takeda, Shin’ichirō Suda, and Ippei Ojishima, and published in the current issue of Monthly WiLL.

I’ve often pointed out that NHK is a hotbed of biased reporting. I first realized this when I learned that, even on commercial TV programs, the final broadcast content is edited by a production team. That’s when I became convinced: the same faction that controls NHK’s editorial department wields influence over what makes it to air.

This faction consists of individuals who might as well be agents of China, South Korea, or the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan (Chongryon), and who produce pseudo-moralistic, self-flagellating reports informed by a deep reading of Asahi Shimbun's ideological line. When these people dominate NHK’s editorial process, it's no surprise that what we see is shallow, spiteful news coverage—produced by beautiful anchors who may or may not understand the gravity of what they're presenting. (In fact, this ignorance may be the greatest evil of all.)

The article in WiLL serves as further proof of this media reality.

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A Fabricated NHK Narrative

Abe’s remarks were edited to appear evasive—Edano’s questions were shown as sincere.

NHK's Fake News at Work

Orishima: NHK’s News 7 aired a segment in which it made Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appear dismissive and insincere in his response to a question from Constitutional Democratic Party leader Yukio Edano. But it was later revealed that NHK had cut out part of Abe’s actual answer and patched it together using unrelated remarks.

Takeda: At this point, NHK is so far gone, I wonder if we even need to keep criticizing it anymore. What they did is outright fake news.

Ten years ago, NHK ran a feature on global warming, showing footage of a polar bear supposedly groaning, “It’s hot, it’s hot,” due to melting Arctic ice. Watching that, I felt like asking, “Did you ever take middle school science?”

In a mixture of ice and water, the temperature doesn’t rise as long as ice remains. If a polar bear is suffering in zero or minus-five degrees Celsius, how do you explain the fact that polar bears are alive and well in Japanese zoos?

NHK knowingly aired this blatant falsehood and deceived many elementary school students in the process.

Suda: Frankly, I don’t think polar bears say “It’s hot” to begin with! (laughter)

Takeda: And yet, the editing of this latest debate footage was just as bad—though I didn’t watch it live myself.

Suda: True, TV news segments can’t air an entire party leaders’ debate. It’s logistically impossible. So yes, it’s always been common practice to trim and splice together selected portions.

But if that editing is done with a specific intent to mislead—well, that’s a completely different issue.

Takeda: Exactly.

Suda: I watched the footage myself. Edano’s questions were edited to look earnest and thoughtful, while Abe’s replies were chopped up to seem dismissive and sloppy.

There was no voice-over or on-screen text to frame the segment—but if there was even a hint of agenda behind the editing, it qualifies as manipulation. From a technical standpoint, it’s standard editing, but the end result was misleading.

Takeda: NHK always says it’s funded by viewers—but let’s be honest, the public is forced to pay the license fee. Instead of manipulating perceptions, they should broadcast the truth. Honestly, the best solution is to just stop watching NHK. There’s no other fix.

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The Internet Is Our Only Defense

Suda: If we didn’t have the internet, this truth would have never come to light.

And if we hadn’t watched the Diet session directly, we wouldn’t have caught it either. People who rely solely on TV and newspapers for information—what you might call “information underprivileged”—are easily deceived. That’s what’s scary.

Takeda: I know a few people who work at NHK. Some of them are good, fair-minded people. But once you’re inside the organization, this is the kind of result you get.

You know that old line: “Germans are fine as individuals, but terrible as a nation.” This situation isn’t so different.

Suda: Actually, I think there’s a key difference. Asahi Shimbun reporters? I can’t stand a single one of them. (laughs)

Takeda: Fair enough. When I was being interviewed during the recycling debate years ago, an Asahi reporter sat down with me for over 90 minutes. At the end, he flatly said, “We’re not planning to publish your comments anyway,” and left.

Suda: That’s just unbelievably rude!

Takeda: That’s Asahi Shimbun for you. They always act like they’re superior.

Suda: They genuinely believe they’re better than everyone else.

Takeda: Total superiority complex. I mean, sure, their salaries are probably higher than ours. (laughs)

Suda: When Prime Minister Abe said, “The party leaders’ debate has outlived its historical purpose,” he was actually quoting a line originally used by Edano.

Takeda: If you want to deceive people using edited information, you easily can. That’s why I want NHK to be dismantled as soon as possible.

Why the Obsession with Holding Games Under the Scorching Sun?

Why the Obsession with Holding Games Under the Scorching Sun?

Inconsistencies and the Nature of Heat
August 3, 2018
From today’s Sankei Shimbun
By Masashi Mukaiya

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While flipping through TV channels with a remote in hand, my wife paused on a high school baseball tournament match and muttered:
“Why on earth are they making kids play in this kind of heat?”

Until that moment, I had always believed that "summer belongs to high school baseball at Koshien." Her words were an eye-opener.

I also run a karate dojo, where training takes place three evenings a week. For the adult class held at night, the heat isn’t much of an issue. But during the children’s session, the oppressive heat is still present. That’s why, starting two hours before training, I crank up two air conditioners and four electric fans to full power, always on edge about the risk of heatstroke.

After all, even people soaking in a swimming pool have collapsed from heatstroke lately. We are truly facing a level of heat that poses a real threat to life.

Given that, the media’s collective campaign to raise awareness is not only appropriate—it’s their responsibility.

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Words and Actions Don’t Match

And yet, in this same blistering heat, the Summer Koshien baseball tournament is going ahead.

More troubling than the act of holding games under these conditions is the cognitive dissonance displayed by the event’s sponsor: Asahi Shimbun. While warning readers about the dangers of heatstroke in its pages, it presses forward with hosting an event that exposes students to precisely those dangers. This contradiction is baffling.

Each time a TV broadcast urges viewers to “turn on the air conditioning without hesitation,” my wife retorts in her usual housewife tone, “Well, electricity isn’t free, you know.”

It’s understandable. Being told to turn on the A/C while shouldering the cost yourself feels like meddling, if not outright irritating.

But Kyushu Electric Power took an admirable step by announcing discounted electricity rates for senior households to help prevent heatstroke. “We want to respond swiftly during this ongoing heatwave and encourage people to use air conditioners and fans to avoid illness,” they stated. Now that is consistency between words and action.

Compare that to Asahi Shimbun.

This is the same newspaper that nitpicked every corner of the Moritomo-Kake political scandal. If Asahi turns a blind eye to the “scorching-hot Koshien” event it sponsors, that would be tantamount to media suicide.

Yes, newspapers are businesses. They can’t survive without profit. So it’s easy to understand why the Koshien tournament is crucial to Asahi Shimbun from a business perspective.

However, no matter how good the marketing strategy, the lifeblood of any news organization is the trust of its readers.

Trust is what makes a publication grow, what allows it to shape public opinion. Lose that, and even a storied outlet like Asahi risks collapse. In that light, this contradiction between what they say and what they do becomes the biggest threat of all.

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The Nature of Today’s Heat

Even the Japan High School Baseball Federation (JHBF) seems aware of the danger posed by extreme heat.

In May last year, Asahi Shimbun hosted a symposium titled “Sports and Heatstroke.” During his keynote address, JHBF Chairman Eiji Hatta stated:

“Regarding the summer tournament, we’ve indeed received harsh criticism questioning whether it’s appropriate to have children playing sports in such heat. However, we believe that, with careful planning and countermeasures, the event can be held safely.”

But why cling to the idea of hosting under the scorching sun, especially amid such criticism? One might suspect his comments were crafted out of deference to Asahi, the event sponsor.

There is no noble cause that outweighs human life.

This year’s Summer Koshien marks the tournament’s 100th edition—a major milestone. But in an age where the very quality of summer heat has changed, how does Asahi Shimbun plan to respond?

If, heaven forbid, a heatstroke-related fatality were to occur during the event, who would take responsibility?

If Asahi continues to turn a blind eye and pushes forward with “Koshien under the scorching sun,” while still publishing articles that advocate heatstroke prevention, it will be hard to see such a stance as anything other than hypocritical.

The Absurdity of Changing Historical Terms to Please Others

The Absurdity of Changing Historical Terms to Please Others
August 3, 2018

The following continues from the previous chapter.

The kingdom of Baekje was destroyed by Silla. In desperation, the Koreans came to Japan seeking help. With little choice, Japan intervened, hoping to pressure Silla into reflection—but instead, they were ambushed by a massive Tang army. Japan suffered a crushing defeat.

This is the battle known historically as Hakusukinoe. And yet, these days, it's pronounced Hakusonkō, a term that sounds more like dental plaque than a historic event. Even worse, some now call it Baekgang—which isn’t even Japanese anymore.

Isn’t this absurd?

Since the time of Prince Naka no Ōe, the term Hakusukinoe has been consistently used, and it was taught as such in Edo-period temple schools. Who, exactly, are we trying to appease by changing it to something so contrived?

Then came the next distortion: the term Kakure Kirishitan—or "Hidden Christians"—suddenly became Senpuku Kirishitan, or "Crypto-Christians," immediately after their recognition as a World Heritage site. Newspapers began insisting this was the “correct” term.

Again, how absurd.

The word senpuku is generally used to describe fugitives or criminals in hiding—like Tokuda Kyūichi. And predictably, it was the Asahi Shimbun that defensively explained: “No, no, senpuku is the accurate term.”

Historically, both kakure and senpuku referred to Christians who secretly practiced their faith under Japan’s strict ban on Christianity during the Edo period. Some of these individuals eventually revealed themselves at the newly built Ōura Cathedral in the late Edo period and resumed church life. These are now referred to as senpuku.

But in truth, they returned without any real reckoning or change of heart. Hence the term senpuku, likening them to criminals who emerged from hiding.

On the other hand, the kakure Kirishitan had fundamentally evolved. Once considered the vanguard of foreign incursion—“agents of Japanese subjugation,” as noted in Hirakawa Arata’s Sengoku Japan and the Age of Discovery—they had long since purified their faith of its original dogmatic extremism. They had continued to believe, quietly and independently. Even when the Catholic Church returned to Japan, many wanted nothing to do with it.

Because of this, the Vatican viewed them as heretics—people to be excommunicated rather than welcomed. While the returning senpuku were accepted, the remaining kakure were condemned. Pope Francis today, it seems, possesses just as narrow a mindset as those old missionaries.

It was he, after all, who declared that Trump “isn’t a Christian,” simply because he disagreed with him politically.

That newspapers today are so eager to pander to such intolerance—going so far as to label these historical believers senpuku—only shows the extent of their intellectual cowardice.

Frankly, any newspaper that would stoop to such terminology should go bash its head against the corner of a block of tofu.

 

If we keep listening to what Asahi Shimbun says, tomorrow we’ll all be slaves to the Chinese.

August 3, 2018
The following is a continuation of the previous chapter.

Students were still shouting "Down with the Security Treaty!" and chanting slogans against war.

Meanwhile, on the Sea of Japan side, South Korea had drawn the Syngman Rhee Line and occupied Takeshima, continuing its seizure of fishing boats—killing 44 people and capturing 4,000. But neither the students nor the newspapers showed any interest in such matters.

They didn’t care about other Japanese; as long as peace surrounded their own lives, that was all that mattered.

There was a U.S.–North Korea summit. Kim Jong-un and Trump shook hands.

The Asahi Shimbun, caught up in the mood of peace, ran an editorial questioning, “Are you still going to push for strengthening defense capabilities, citing the threat of North Korea?” and, “Is Aegis Ashore really necessary?”

It sounded just like the rhetoric of the 1970 anti-security treaty students.

But reality is far more serious.

The United States, under the pretense of complying with the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, plans to withdraw 200,000 personnel, including U.S. forces stationed in South Korea and their families. It will also terminate the U.S.–South Korea military alliance under the same pretense.

And then it will demand CVID—Complete, Verifiable, and Irreversible Denuclearization—from Kim Jong-un.

If he fails to keep his promises, the U.S. will not hesitate to carry out a decapitation strike.

There will no longer be U.S. troops in South Korea to serve as hostages, and the U.S.–South Korea alliance will be gone—so North Korea’s threats to turn Seoul into a "sea of fire" will carry no weight with the United States.

If Kim Jong-un is driven to desperation, where will he strike?

He will strike Japan.

That’s why Aegis Ashore will be crucial in that moment.

It serves the same role as the destroyers that once monitored the Sea of Okhotsk.

However, Trump’s target is not just North Korea; it also includes China.

This is a country that doesn’t even abide by WTO agreements, steals intellectual property from other nations, and now reveals its true nature as a loan shark—seizing foreign territories as collateral for unpaid debts.

It has also ignored international rules and occupied the Spratly Islands.

China is nothing less than a destroyer of the world order.

To thwart this, Trump invoked Section 301.

China’s economy is headed toward collapse.

In the final throes of a failing regime, what is the most convenient and effective way for Xi Jinping to overcome the crisis?

Swallow Japan.

China has every intention of not just taking the Senkaku Islands, but also dominating Japan’s wealth, technology, and territory.

Aegis Ashore and strengthened defense capabilities are no longer just about North Korea.

They are directed at the dying gasps of the Chinese Communist Party, which aims to dominate the Japanese archipelago.

If we keep listening to what Asahi Shimbun says, tomorrow we’ll all be slaves to the Chinese.

To be continued.

A fisherman captured four years earlier was finally returning home to Japan.

On the eve of the 1970 Anpo protests, while students in Hongo were occupying Yasuda Auditorium and others in Ochanomizu were enjoying themselves turning Kanda into their own “Quartier Latin”…
August 2, 2018

This is a continuation of the previous chapter.

On the eve of the 1970 Anpo protests, while students in Hongo were occupying Yasuda Auditorium and others in Ochanomizu were talking about turning Kanda into their own Quartier Latin, having fun with it all, the city desk editor told me, “Go to Nemuro.”

Even if the rest of Japan was at peace, for fishermen in Nemuro, every day was like being at war.

Whenever they went out to sea, Soviet naval vessels were waiting — sometimes even firing on them.

If the Soviets saw a new ship, they would relentlessly pursue and seize it. The boats were sold off within the Soviet Union, and the captured fishermen were thrown into lageri (labor camps), where they were subjected to forced labor for a minimum of four years.

A fisherman captured four years earlier was finally returning home to Japan.

My assignment was: “Go report on the families left behind in Nemuro.”

I visited the home of one such family. Inside were the fisherman’s wife, their four-year-old daughter, and his elderly father.

The wife opened a photo album and pointed to a picture, saying to the girl, “This is your father.”

The daughter, who had been in her mother’s womb when her father was taken, stared intently, trying to memorize the face she had never seen before.

Beside them, the elderly father quietly said:

“A long time ago, I too went to the Sea of Okhotsk and was attacked by a Soviet vessel, just like my son. When I thought it was the end, the Soviet ship suddenly turned away.”

“I saw a silhouette growing larger on the horizon — it was a destroyer flying the Rising Sun flag. As we passed each other, I saw a young sailor on the deck. I instinctively saluted. Tears came to my eyes.”

“The nation protected us. Those were good times.”

The mother and daughter traveled to Hakodate, where the repatriation ship would arrive. I returned to Tokyo.

(To be continued.)

That’s precisely why they write fawning nonsense like “the profound darkness of the man,”

Even an elementary school student would think applying the Subversive Activities Prevention Act to Aum was obvious. Yet the Public Security Examination Commission, supposedly composed of experts, said no.
August 2, 2018

There are still more lessons to be learned.

Even an elementary school student would think it obvious that the Subversive Activities Prevention Act should be applied to Aum.

However, the Public Security Examination Commission, a body supposedly composed of experts, said no.

Former reporters, professors, former judges — it became clear just how worthless these so-called “experts” were.

Even Asahi Shimbun took that as a lesson.

And they put that lesson into practice immediately.

When NHK tried to air the “Women’s International War Crimes Tribunal” — created by North Korean agents and Yayori Matsui — the broadcast was shortened.

Then Asahi reporter Masakazu Honda falsely claimed it was “because Shinzo Abe exerted political pressure.”

When this lie was exposed and the paper faced a crisis of potential shutdown, the “lesson” kicked in.

Asahi quickly gathered people like Yasuo Hasebe, a constitutional scholar, someone named Hara from Kyodo News, and IUU Danbara from Itochu Corporation, and fashioned them into a panel of “third-party experts.” Masakazu Honda was declared innocent, and Asahi avoided closure.

They had these so-called experts say that neither apology nor correction was necessary — deceiving the public.

Even when the fabricated story of the “forced recruitment of comfort women” was exposed, and even when they engaged in the despicable act of smearing Toru Hashimoto’s background, Asahi used the same ineffective individuals like Hasebe to escape accountability.

Yoshifu Arita, who became a lawmaker simply by talking about Aum, owes everything to Shoko Asahara. But Asahi, too, owes a debt of gratitude to Asahara for the “wisdom” of the third-party committee model, and cannot sleep with their feet pointing in his direction.

That’s precisely why they write fawning nonsense like “the profound darkness of the man,” about someone as shallow as Asahara.

(To be continued.)

The wall of that foolish constitution imposed by MacArthur was that thick.

The wall of that foolish constitution imposed by MacArthur was that thick. Before we could break through it, 23 people were murdered.
August 2, 2018
The following is a continuation from the previous chapter.

There were countless lessons to be learned.

TBS informed Aum Shinrikyo: “Attorney Sakamoto is criticizing your group like this.”

How helpful of them.

Immediately, they decided to eliminate him, and murdered not only Sakamoto and his wife, but even their one-year-old baby.

An Aum badge was left at the scene.

The police quickly turned their attention to Aum, but then [Aum spokesman] Joyu appeared and blocked the investigation, saying, “Are you trying to infringe on freedom of religion?”

The wall of that foolish constitution imposed by MacArthur was that thick.

Before we could break through it, 23 people had been killed.

On the other side of that wall lay the very ordinary common sense held by Japanese people: that “freedom of religion and individual freedom must remain within the bounds of public order and decency.”

After the incident, freedom of religion was no longer untouchable.

In Kyoto, a man named “Paul Nagata,” whose real name was Kim Bo, a Korean national and the head of the Holy God Central Church, was arrested for sexually assaulting 22 Japanese female followers, including elementary school students, in the name of God.

The fraudulent spiritual sales practices of the Unification Church were also cracked down on.

(To be continued.)

There’s no particularly deep “darkness” that needs highlighting.

And yet, Asahi lets some filmmaker named Mori pontificate, saying, “No lessons have been learned from the incident.” That’s a lie.
August 2, 2018

The following is a continuation from the previous chapter.

He says he can’t understand “why highly educated doctors and scientists followed such a man.”

But that, too, is perfectly clear.

There is a similarly antisocial cult to Aum in the United States called the People’s Temple.

Its followers abandoned normal lives, gave their money to the group, and when their families cried out, “Give us back our children,” it became a social issue—very similar.

In the end, they fled to Guyana in South America, opened fire with rifles, killing indiscriminately, and finally, the cult leader and more than 900 followers committed mass suicide by drinking cyanide.

Aum also had about the same number of followers.

But unlike the People’s Temple, Aum’s followers came from the homogeneous society of Japan.

If you were to randomly select the same number of Japanese people, you’d have just as many college graduates—doctors, engineers.

If they put their minds to it, they could synthesize sarin, build computers.

They could even fly Russian helicopters.

They surpassed not just the People’s Temple, but even the People’s Liberation Army.

For better or worse, Aum was a thoroughly Japanese organization.

There’s no particularly deep “darkness” that needs highlighting.

And yet, Asahi lets some filmmaker named Mori pontificate, saying, “No lessons have been learned from the incident.”

That’s a lie.

(To be continued.)

There was no darkness in that man’s soul. You could see right through him.

There was no darkness in that man’s soul. You could see right through him.
August 2, 2018

A close friend of mine, an avid reader, praised the latest issue of the monthly magazine Seiron, which was released yesterday, saying it was excellent—energized and substantial. Hearing that, I went to a nearby bookstore to get my own copy.

It’s a monthly magazine, so I had forgotten that Masayuki Takayama’s “Orisetsu no Ki” leads the issue.

Asahara Shoko and six senior members of the Aum Shinrikyo cult were executed. The remaining six are likely to be executed after the Obon holidays.

Compared to cowards like Satsuki Eda and Yoshito Sengoku, who trembled and tried to avoid signing the death warrants, Justice Minister Yoko Kamikawa’s resolute fulfillment of her duties deserves renewed respect.

Those executed had cloaked themselves in religion, orchestrated indiscriminate terror, and even murdered infants when they didn’t get their way.

Only now have they paid with their lives.

Although a chapter has come to a close, there are always those who want to say something clever at times like this.

For example, the Asahi Shimbun editorial reads, “Fundamental questions remain unanswered,” and criticizes the executions as premature, complaining, “We had urged the government to form a research team, collect records, and analyze them.”

Yoshifu Arita also said, “There should have been psychological evaluations that could withstand scrutiny by future generations.”

But come on—this is the same man who sang and danced to “Sho, Sho, Shoko~” and thought he could become a Diet member.

When the terror attacks were exposed and he was arrested, he tried to escape responsibility by claiming, “The poa killings were carried out independently by subordinates.”

When that didn’t work, he pretended to be mentally unstable to avoid the death penalty.

There was no darkness in that man’s soul.

You could see right through him.

(To be continued.)

It is no exaggeration to say that they have continued to create a "cartoonish nation"

It is no exaggeration to say that they have continued to create a "cartoonish nation" even more absurd than North Korea, which I have often referred to as a modern cartoon state.
August 2, 2018

Today again, Osaka is being struck by a severe heatwave—and no doubt the same is true for many parts of Japan. As soon as I returned home, I checked the PM2.5 distribution map.

As expected, as of noon, there were 69 locations across the country where PM2.5 levels exceeded environmental safety standards. It goes without saying that all of these areas are also suffering from extreme heat.

The bureaucrats at the Japan Meteorological Agency, whose thinking is shaped by the likes of Asahi Shimbun and NHK—and by people who subscribe to and watch these outlets—how long do they intend to keep covering up the blatantly obvious correlation between this abnormal heat and PM2.5—that is, photochemical smog?

In 2011, under the leadership of then-Prime Minister Naoto Kan of the Democratic Party, the decision was made—by him, Masayoshi Son, and Mizuho Fukushima—to shut down all nuclear power plants immediately. At the time, nuclear power accounted for half of Japan’s total energy output. They shut down more power capacity than is currently available across the entire Kansai Electric Power grid.

As a result, in just three years, 15 trillion yen in tax money was squandered on fossil fuels, and for the first time in 40 years, Japan’s skies began to be shrouded in photochemical smog once again.

For the past eight years, PM2.5 particles from mainland China, the worst air pollution offender in human history, have continuously flowed over Japan—compounding the damage. The result? Abnormal weather patterns and record-breaking heatwaves.

In other words, this catastrophic outcome is the direct result of:

• The three worst figures in postwar Japanese history;

• The relentless anti-nuclear messaging by Asahi Shimbun and NHK;

• Their fanatical insistence on "absolute opposition to nuclear power" and "no restart of nuclear plants."

This infantile, below-kindergarten-level political discourse and the "righteous chorus" of pseudo-moralists have brought disaster upon Japan time and again—as I have repeatedly pointed out.

What’s more, their anti-nuclear crusade has directly benefited China, a one-party dictatorship under the Communist Party, which is steadily working toward global dominance in nuclear power.

Therefore, it is no exaggeration whatsoever to say that they have gone on creating a cartoonish nation even more absurd than North Korea, which I have often referred to as a modern cartoon state.

Yukio Mishima once offered a pointed critique of Kenzaburō Ōe, describing him as “a

Yukio Mishima once offered a pointed critique of Kenzaburō Ōe, describing him as “a prostitute peddling springtime (i.e., pro-anti-Japan sentiment) in the pleasure house of Iwanami.”
August 2, 2018

Last night, while researching a separate topic, I came across the name Ryōsuke Yasue—the man who even became president of Iwanami Shoten—and was stunned.

At the same time, I was reminded of the chapter I published via Ameba and Goo Blog on April 10, 2016, titled: “Completely Unknown to Those Who Were Spending Their Days in Earnest Labor for the Sake of Society—The True Nature of Kenzaburō Ōe.”

The following is a continuation of the chapter introduced the previous day.

Takahashi [Masayuki] brilliantly reveals the true character of Kenzaburō Ōe—a figure entirely unknown to the many people dedicating themselves daily to honest industry for the sake of others.

(Emphasis in the body, except for titles, is mine.)

---

“To hold Asahi Shimbun accountable, we need an ethics watchdog.”

—A scathing piece on the Asahi’s parroting of Kenzaburō Ōe’s claims and their feeble defense of innocence.

Ōe Kenzaburō—Indistinguishable from the Chinese

Kenzaburō Ōe often said, “I belong to the generation of postwar democracy.”
Thus, he refused to accept the imperial system, disliked the very idea of Japan as a nation, and declared, “I would never want to receive a Cultural Order of Merit.” His attitude was virtually indistinguishable from that of a Chinese Communist.

Yukio Mishima offered this brutal character sketch of Ōe:
‘A prostitute selling springtime (i.e., anti-Japan ideology) in the pleasure quarters of Iwanami Shoten.’

If, like Saburō Ienaga, he had only bent his principles for the sake of getting by in life, one might still understand it.

But Ōe not only compromised—he infused his positions with deliberate malice.

Ruth Benedict wrote in The Chrysanthemum and the Sword that shame is the key psychological driver of the Japanese.

In that sense, Ōe is no longer truly Japanese. Without a sense of shame, one can lie with impunity.

(To be continued.)

---

Following is a brief summary on Ryōsuke Yasue, from Wikipedia:

(Yasue Ryōsuke, August 26, 1935 – January 6, 1998) was a Japanese editor and publisher, who served as president of Iwanami Shoten.

He was born in Higashiyama, Kanazawa City, Ishikawa Prefecture, into a family of gold leaf artisans. After graduating from Kanazawa University’s Faculty of Law in 1958, he joined Iwanami Shoten. He worked in the editorial department of Sekai magazine, and from 1967 to 1970 served as special secretary to Tokyo Governor Ryokichi Minobe.

He returned to the Sekai editorial department in 1971 and served as editor-in-chief until 1988, also becoming an executive director. In 1990, he became Iwanami’s 4th president. He stepped down in 1997 due to illness.

Throughout, he supported progressive intellectuals and promoted mass publication initiatives such as Iwanami Booklets. He was a close friend of Kenzaburō Ōe since 1963, when he commissioned Ōe to report on the Hiroshima anti-nuclear conference and accompanied him during research for Hiroshima Notes.

He died in 1998 at the age of 62.

---

On North Korea:

As Minobe’s secretary, Yasue pushed for the recognition of Korean schools as “miscellaneous schools,” which Minobe granted in 1968—sparking a national trend. Yasue visited North Korea five times and praised Kim Il-sung’s leadership, stating that under him the people were “well-fed, clothed in silk, and living in tiled-roof houses like the former landlords.”

Yasue declared that “despite some shortcomings, the people’s basic needs in food, shelter, education, and medical care are fully met, instilling confidence and optimism.” He also described Kim as “a singular political leader unmatched in world history.”

In a Chosun Shinbo obituary (Jan 13, 1998), Yasue recounted spending 12 hours with Kim in 1985, saying: “He was frank, youthful, vibrant... I must have seemed like an unruly son to him.”

According to critic Tomohiro Machiyama, while investigating the North Korean abductions, he questioned Iwanami Shoten’s pro-Pyongyang publications. When he told Yasue, “As someone of Korean descent, I can’t accept these abductions,” Yasue reportedly snapped back: “That has nothing to do with you!”

Machiyama concluded that “they only praised North Korea because it served their leftist agenda—they didn’t care about Koreans living as minorities in Japan.”

---

On the banning of Little Black Sambo:

In 1988, Yasue led the effort to cease publication of Little Black Sambo, deeming it discriminatory. He ordered the destruction of a freshly printed run and insisted that “we cannot fully trust the judgment of the general readership on such matters.” When others tried to reissue the book, he criticized them harshly, saying “It’s unacceptable.”

(The article continues.)

Currently, Xu’s essay is no longer accessible online within mainland China.

While browsing online, I noticed something interesting—11 hours earlier, Asahi Shimbun had also followed up with a digital version (perhaps reluctantly).
August 2, 2018

The following is based on an article published on page 7 of the July 31st morning edition of the Sankei Shimbun, titled “Criticism of Personality Cult Toward Leader – Tsinghua University Professor’s Essay on Xi Jinping Sparks Reactions.”

While checking online, I noticed something curious—11 hours earlier, Asahi Shimbun had also posted a digital version of the same story (perhaps feeling compelled to follow suit).

[Beijing – Kin’ya Fujimoto] A professor at Chinese President Xi Jinping’s alma mater, Tsinghua University, released an essay in late July sharply criticizing the personality cult surrounding the Chinese leadership. The piece also calls for reinstating presidential term limits and re-evaluating the Tiananmen Square incident. The essay has sparked significant controversy both inside and outside China. It is highly unusual for an intellectual affiliated with the establishment to openly challenge the Chinese Communist Party leadership.

The author of the essay is Professor Xu Zhangrun (age 55) of the Tsinghua University Faculty of Law. Originally from Anhui Province, he graduated from Southwest University of Political Science & Law and later earned a PhD in law from the University of Melbourne in Australia.

In a paper published online through a private think tank in Beijing on July 24, Xu noted that “the people are now at a loss regarding the future of national development and the safety of their families.” He voiced concern over constitutional amendments passed at the National People’s Congress in March, which removed presidential term limits.

Regarding the abolition of term limits, he condemned it as “nullifying the achievements of the reform and opening-up era, dragging China back to the terrifying Mao era, and bringing about a ridiculous personality cult around the leadership.” He called for a return to a system with fixed terms.

On the subject of the personality cult, he stated that it was “as if we are living under an outdated authoritarian state,” and warned that “unless we put on the brakes immediately, things will spiral out of control.” He sharply criticized the move, saying, “We must reflect on how such an intellectually low-level decision was made.”

Xu also addressed the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown, in which student-led pro-democracy protests were violently suppressed. He demanded a “re-evaluation at an appropriate time this year or next,” marking the 30th anniversary of the incident. He emphasized, “This is common sense in modern politics and reflects the wishes of all citizens,” and urged the Party to reconsider.

Bao Tong, a former close aide to the late Zhao Ziyang (the general secretary purged after the Tiananmen incident), expressed agreement with Xu’s essay, while voicing concern for the professor’s safety.

Currently, Xu’s essay is no longer accessible online within mainland China.

Recently in China, criticism of the growing personality cult surrounding Xi Jinping has begun to surface more publicly. In May, a wall poster appeared at the prestigious Peking University stating, “Mao Zedong promoted a personality cult... and the people suffered countless disasters,” and, “Xi Jinping is now promoting a major personality cult... We must be increasingly vigilant.” This incident also drew significant attention.