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It must not think that it can protect the nation and its people with naive thinking
Top 10 real-time searches 2021/12/6, 20:48
対照的に中国が林氏擁護に熱心だ…日本の政治家をこのようにおとしめる一方で、彼らは林氏を称賛する
To begin with, how does China analyze Japanese politicians?
そのことを岸田文雄政権は肝に銘じて対中外交を展開しなければならない。
Japan can no longer afford to do "mobocracy."
中谷氏は補佐官就任と同時に中国の人権問題に物言わぬ人となったが、物言わぬのであれば更迭すべきだ
日本は…基本的に自力で自国防衛をなし遂げ、米国をも支え、協力する姿を全世界に示すことだ
The following is from a large paper is published at the beginning of the book, Hyakuta Naoki's (I dare to ask with an extensive flaming preparedness!) "The Politics of Popular Foolishness" in the monthly magazine Hanada.
It is a must-read article for the Japanese people and people worldwide.
Preamble omitted.
Enjoying the Privilege of Being a Member of Congress
There is a term called "noblesse oblige.
The term "noblesse oblige" refers to a basic sense of morality in Western societies that people of high status have social responsibilities and duties that must fulfill accordingly.
In the United Kingdom, where the aristocracy and class society remains strong, this noblesse oblige is widespread among the upper class.
It is said that there is a tendency to think, "I was born into a privileged class of aristocrats, and that is why I have a great responsibility."
The idea is that one enjoys privilege as well as responsibility.
However, most Diet members in Japan today enjoy only the privilege of being a member of the Diet and do not fulfill any of their responsibilities.
Too many of them are helpless.
In the past, our predecessors who graduated from the Military Academy and Tokyo Imperial University had the spirit of noblesse oblige.
There was an awareness that "I was born as an elite and will live with that responsibility."
Nobusuke Kishi, a man with a strong heart
For example, Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi graduated from the former Daiichi High School and Tokyo Imperial University and joined the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce.
He joined the Hideki Tojo cabinet as Minister of Commerce and Industry. In July 1944, during the war, after the fall of Saipan, Kishi demanded peace from Tojo, saying, "If things continue as they are, it will repeat the bombing of the mainland.
In response, Tojo urged him to resign.
Kishi adamantly refused, saying, "I will never resign."
Ryoji Shikata, an aide to Tojo, threatened to "arrest you in the event of an emergency" and "in some cases, kill him" while the captain of the Tokyo military police rushed to Kishi's house and rang his sword, but Kishi did not move. On the contrary, he thundered Shikata and turned it back.
As a result, Tojo's cabinet fell due to disagreement.
It can see that he was genuinely risking his life in politics.
Furthermore, during the 60th Security Treaty, more than 100,000 demonstrators surrounded the Prime Minister's office after the war.
Ken Ogura, the superintendent of police, said, "It is already dangerous here. If a mob breaks into the building, the prime minister's life is in danger. Please move to another place."
Prime Minister Kishi said, "If this is dangerous, where is it safe? The official residence is the prime minister's main enclosure. If it is a die in battle, men's long-cherished desire."
An anecdote is that he exchanged brandy with his younger brother Eisaku Sato, saying, "We should die here."
He was politicizing with the determination that "this security legislation is vital for Japan. I can be killed for that."
I wonder if even one politician in Japan today has such determination.
Is there a politician who has the determination, spirit, and ability to execute the constitutional amendment for Japan even if I become a fire doll?
Constitutional amendment if a few politicians are determined to make amendments for Japan, whether they are bashed by the media and messed up or dropped in the next election. It should have been able to propose.
But no one has done so.
All they do is talk about revising the Constitution.
They talk about revising the Constitution, but no one does it. Why is that?
If they take the initiative to do so, they will be attacked by the opposition parties and the media, and there is a high possibility that they will be voted out of office in the next election.
In other words, from the point of view of the lawmakers, it would not be worth losing their seats for the sake of constitutional revision.
Enjoying only the privilege of being a member of parliament, "I am a member of parliament chosen by the people, so I have a responsibility to amend the constitution" has come to this day as negligence.
I have to say that Shinzo Abe, the grandson of Kishi, did not have that many guts.
Mr. Abe's popularity is one of the reasons why the LDP won a significant victory in the second Abe administration in the six national elections. Still, one of the primary reasons for its popularity is "Mr. Abe will amend the Constitution. So let's support" I think that many people had the feeling.
However, even though he won many elections, he did not initiate the constitutional revision.
Since the ruling party had secured a two-thirds majority, they could have done it if they wanted to.
Excuses such as "the opposition parties refused to discuss the issue" or "the Constitutional Review Commission was not held" do not hold water.
I think many of his supporters were disappointed.
If we add the seats of the ruling party and the Japan Restoration Association, which has a positive attitude toward constitutional reform, we have secured two-thirds of the seats in the House of Representatives.
Prime Minister Fumio Kishida has also said that he will definitely revise the Constitution.
I hope that the prime minister will follow through on his promise this time.
If the Diet fails to initiate another round of constitutional reform, the people will lose interest in the LDP.
And there is no telling when or if we will see the birth of another nightmare Democratic Party of Japan administration.
Today, the security environment surrounding Japan, including the threat from China, is far more severe than it was in 2009.
If another government like that of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) comes to power, it will surely be the end of Japan.
It is why I have made many outrages in preparation for a big flame.
Japan can no longer afford to do "mobocracy."
以下は発売中の月刊誌Hanadaに、巻頭大論文、百田尚樹の（大炎上覚悟であえて問う！）「衆愚政治論」と題して掲載された論文からである。
日本国民のみならず世界中の人達が必読の正論である。
前文省略
議員という特権だけ享受
「ノブレス・オブリージュ」という言葉があります。
身分の高い者はそれに応じて果たさなければならない社会的責任と義務があるという、欧米社会における基本的な道徳感を指した言葉です。
貴族制度や階級社会がいまも色濃く残るイギリスでは、上流階層にはこのノブレス・オブリージュが浸透しており、「自分は恵まれた貴族という特権階級に生まれた。だからこそ自分には大きな責任があるんだ」と考える傾向があるとされています。
特権を享受すると同時に、責任も享受するという考えです。
ところが、いまの日本の国会議員の多くは、議員という特権だけを享受し、責任を一切果たさない。
どうしようもない議員が多すぎます。
かつて陸軍士官学校や東京帝国大学を出た先人たちには、ノブレス・オブリージュの精神がありました。
「自分はエリートとして生まれ、その責任もしっかり背負って生きていく」という意識がありました。
肝の据わった岸信介
たとえば、岸信介総理は旧制第一高等学校から東京帝国大学を出て、農商務省に入省。
商工大臣として東條英機内閣で入閣した岸は、戦時中の1944年7月、サイパン島陥落を受け、「このままでは本土爆撃が繰り返される」と東條に講和を要求、それに対して東條は「お前が辞職しろ」と迫りました。
これに対して、岸は「絶対に辞任しない」と断固拒否。
東條側近の四方諒二（しかたりょうじ）東京憲兵隊長が岸宅に押しかけ軍刀を鳴らしながら、「いざとなったらお前を逮捕する」「場合によっては斬り殺すぞ」と威嚇するも岸は動じることなく、逆に四方を一喝して追い返しました。
そのため、内閣不一致により東條内閣は倒れる。
まさに命懸けで政治を行っていたことが窺えます。
さらに戦後、60年安保で、10万人を超えるデモ隊が首相官邸を取り囲んだ時のことです。
警視総監の小倉謙が「ここはもう危険です。もし暴徒が乱入してきたら総理の命が危ない。他の場所へ移って下さい」と頼むと、岸総理は「ここが危ないというならどこが安全だというのか。官邸は首相の本丸だ。本丸で討ち死にするなら男子の本懐だ」と言って、実弟の佐藤栄作と「俺たち、ここで死んでもいいじやないか」とブランデーを酌み交わしたという逸話があります。
「この安保法制は日本のために絶対に必要なんだ。そのために俺は殺されてもいい」という覚悟を持って政治を行っていた。
いま、こうした肝の据わった政治家が日本に一人でもいるでしょうか。
「俺は火だるまになっても、日本のために憲法改正を成し遂げるんだ」という覚悟と気概、実行力を持った政治家がいるでしょうか。
メディアで猛バッシングに哂され滅茶苦茶に叩かれようが、たとえ次の選挙で落とされようが、日本のために断固として改正を成し遂げるという肝の据わった政治家が数人でもいたら、憲法改正の発議はできたはずなんです。
それを誰もしなかった。
「憲法改正」と口で言うだけ
「憲法改正」と口では言っても、誰も実行しない。それはなぜか。
もしそんなものを率先してやれば、その議員は野党やメディアから総攻撃され、次の選挙で落選させられる可能性が高くなるからです。
つまり議員にしてみれば、「憲法改正のために自分が議席を失うのは割に合わん」というものでしょう。
国会議員という特権だけを享受し、「自分は国民から選ばれた国会議員なんだ。だから憲法改正をする責任があるんだ」ということはほったらかしのまま今日まで来てしまった。
岸のお孫さんである安倍晋三さんもそこまでの肝は据わっていなかった、と言わざるを得ません。
第二次安倍政権において６回の国政選挙で自民党が大勝した背景には、安倍さんの人気の高さということもありますが、人気が高かった大きな理由の一つには「安倍さんなら憲法改正をしてくれる。だから応援しよう」という思いが多くの人にあったと思うのです。
ところが、選挙に何度も大勝したにもかかわらず、結局、憲法改正の発議をしてくれなかった。
与党で３分の２を確保していたのですから、やろうと思えばできたはずです。
「野党が議論を拒否した」とか「憲法審査会が行われなかった」といった言い訳は通りません。
がっかりした支持者も多かったように思います。
今回の選挙で、与党と改憲に前向きな日本維新の会の議席を足せば衆院３分の２を確保しています。
岸田文雄総理も「憲法改正を必ず行う」と口では言っています。
今度こそ、総理の有言実行に期待したいと思います。
もし仮に、次もまた憲法改正の発議を国会で行わなかったら、今度こそ国民は自民党に愛想をつかすでしょう。
そして、またいつ何時、悪夢の民主党政権の誕生を招くとも限りません。
いまや中国の脅威をはじめ日本を取り巻く安全保障環境の厳しさは、2009年の時とは比べものになりません。
次に民主党のような政権が誕生したら、間違いなく日本は終わるでしょう。
大炎上覚悟で私か数々の暴論を申し上げた理由はここにあります。
「衆愚政治」を行っている余裕は、日本にはもはやないのです。
以下は今日の産経新聞のフロントページに掲載された櫻井よしこさんの定期連載コラムからである。
本論文も彼女が最澄が定義した国宝、至上の国宝である事を証明している。
日本国民のみならず世界中の人達が必読。
見出し以外の文中強調は私。
希望的平和志向脱皮を
米中の価値観をめぐる対立の顕在化で両国間の妥協の余地が狭まりつつある。
米外交専門誌「フォーリン・アフェアーズ」11・12月号でシカゴ大学のジョン・ミアシャイマ―教授は米国が長年、中国の現実から目をそらしてきた結果、両国間紛争は回避不可能な状況に達し、人類は核戦争へのエスカレーションの危機にあると、警告した。
米中対立はそれほど深刻である。
決して起こしてはならない核戦争を防ぐため、私たちはかつてないほどの決意で現実を見詰め、責任ある思考を巡らせなければならない。
核戦争の危険を避けるには、米国が恐ろしいほどの軍事力を東アジアに配備し中国を抑止することだとミアシャイマー氏は書いた。
岸田文雄首相の持論「核なき世界を目指す」という漠とした考えでは日本および周辺諸国を守り切ることはできない。
ではこの危機をどう乗り越えるか。
米国は明確な戦略変更を打ち出した。
そのひとつの現象が12月９日、10日に開催する民主主義サミットであろう。
約１１０の国・地域を招き、２日間のオンライン会議で、①各国が自国の民主主義の実態を確認し、②１年後、足らざるところを埋めて共同で対処するというものだ。
１国だけで中国の脅威には向き合えない、同盟諸国や価値観を同じくする国々との連携が必要だと、米国は繰り返す。
頼りないとはいえ実践例のひとつがこれであろう。
バイデン米政権は米軍配備の指針「世界規模での軍事態勢見直し（ＧＰＲ）」で、中国を念頭にインド・太平洋地域に重心を移す方針を示したが、部隊の大規模配置転換は見送った。
米国の小幅な戦略見直しはここでも諸国の落胆を招いた。
中国の脅威をかわすのに米国に頼りつつも世界全体が積極的に協力すべきところに来ているのである。
中国は米国の民主主義サミットに対抗して12月４日、「中国の民主」を発表した。
同報告を貫くのは「全過程人民民主」という中国流民主主義の正当性を強調する強引な主張だ。
24㌻にわたる主張は、習近平氏が中国共産党のトップとなった「2012年以降、中国は素躋らしい成果」をおさめてきたという自画自賛から始まる。
これはおよそ全ての文書で枕詞として使われる習氏への個人崇拝促進の表現だ。
習氏による絶対専制独裁体制は民主とは程遠いが、中国は言う。
「中国の民主」は人民が国家の主だと。
人民には投票権も立候補権もあり、政府批判の権利、言論、報道、集会、結社、デモ、信教の自由もあると。
それにしては、香港の自由な言論空間は、あっという間に消えた。香港の選挙は形だけとなった。
自由も民主的選挙も既得権益の塊である一党独裁の中国共産党には絶対に受け入れられないものだ。
中国は民主の旗を立てながら、その実、非民主的な力の行使に何の抵抗も感じていない。
その統治の方式は中国が他国に勢力を伸ばすとき、被統治国にも必ず適用されるはずだ。
そのことを岸田文雄政権は肝に銘じて対中外交を展開しなければならない。
甘い考えで国と国民を守れると思ってはならない。
恐ろしいほどの野心を抱く習氏だが、一方で国際社会の批判におののいているのか。
「中国の民主」に続いて翌５日には「米国の民主状況」を発表させ、米国の民主主義を切って捨ててみせた。
米国社会の人種差別、富の偏在、大資本によるメディア支配、名目だけの言論の自由などと弊害をあげつらっている。
中国の指摘は一面の真実を突くものではあるが、中国にも米国と同じか、それ以上に深刻な同様の問題があることを彼らは認めない。
米中両国の価値観の戦いの中でわが国が人類社会に対して担う責任は重い。
第１に、日本は世界第３の経済大国として、基本的に自力で自国防衛をなし遂げ、米国をも支え、協力する姿を全世界に示すことだ。
たとえば中国が台湾、尖閣、沖縄を奪取するための基本戦略と見なす第１列島線に米国の中距離ミサイルではなく、わが国の技術で製浩する中距離ミサイルを配備することだろう。
第２に、米国とも異なり、無論中国とは正反対の日本の文化と価値観に基づく国家観を打ち出すことだ。
中国に位負けせずに言うべきことを言うことだ。
たとえば北京五輪についてバイデン米大統領は11月18日、「外交的ボイコットを検討中」と語った。
英国を含む欧州諸国も同様だ。
わが国こそ真っ先にそれを言わなければならない。
せっかく、国際人権問題担当首相補佐官を設け、中谷元・元防衛相を起用した。
首相は中谷氏に明確な発信を指示すべきだろう。
中谷氏は補佐官就任と同時に中国の人権問題に物言わぬ人となったが、物言わぬのであれば更迭すべきだ。
台湾問題に関する林芳正外相の沈黙も国民のみならず、国際社会の疑惑を深めている。
対照的に中国が林氏擁護に熱心だ。
そもそも中国は日本の政治家をどのように分析しているか。
中国共産党機関紙、人民日報系の「環球時報」の編集長は９月５日、「日本の政治家はせいぜい中国に対する口先攻撃で満足する人々だ。安全保障における攻撃的な行動を取る勇気は絶対にないだろう」とSＮSに投稿した。
日本の政治家をこのようにおとしめる一方で、彼らは林氏を称賛する。
林氏が外相就任時に日中友好議員連盟の会長を辞した件について環球時報は11月19日、黒竜江杳社会科学院北東アジア研究所の箟志剛（たん・しごう）所長の論文を載せた。箟氏は、林氏の日中議連会長辞任は「一人を殺して大勢の見せしめにしようとするもの」だと批判し、「（林氏ら）知中派は日本の保守的思考を食い止める清流勢力」だと持ち上げた。
中国に物言わぬ「知中派」は何よりも中国の国益につながると見ているのであろう。
今はあらゆる意味で戦うときだ。
「台湾有事は日本有事であり日米同盟の有事である」（安倍晋三元首相）。
「中国が台湾に侵攻すれば多くの人々にとって恐ろしい結果になる。米国は断固として台湾に関与する」（ブリンケン米国務長官）。
両氏のように明確なメッセージを発信して中国に誤解させないことが肝要だ。
自民党公約を見れば、首相は宏池会の希望的観測に基づく平和志向からの脱皮を意図しているのだろう。
ならば迅速に行動で示すべきだ。
以下は今日の産経新聞のフロントページに掲載された櫻井よしこさんの定期連載コラムからである。
本論文も彼女が最澄が定義した国宝、至上の国宝である事を証明している。
日本国民のみならず世界中の人達が必読。
見出し以外の文中強調は私。
希望的平和志向脱皮を
米中の価値観をめぐる対立の顕在化で両国間の妥協の余地が狭まりつつある。
米外交専門誌「フォーリン・アフェアーズ」11・12月号でシカゴ大学のジョン・ミアシャイマ―教授は米国が長年、中国の現実から目をそらしてきた結果、両国間紛争は回避不可能な状況に達し、人類は核戦争へのエスカレーションの危機にあると、警告した。
米中対立はそれほど深刻である。
決して起こしてはならない核戦争を防ぐため、私たちはかつてないほどの決意で現実を見詰め、責任ある思考を巡らせなければならない。
核戦争の危険を避けるには、米国が恐ろしいほどの軍事力を東アジアに配備し中国を抑止することだとミアシャイマー氏は書いた。
岸田文雄首相の持論「核なき世界を目指す」という漠とした考えでは日本および周辺諸国を守り切ることはできない。
ではこの危機をどう乗り越えるか。
米国は明確な戦略変更を打ち出した。
そのひとつの現象が12月９日、10日に開催する民主主義サミットであろう。
約１１０の国・地域を招き、２日間のオンライン会議で、①各国が自国の民主主義の実態を確認し、②１年後、足らざるところを埋めて共同で対処するというものだ。
１国だけで中国の脅威には向き合えない、同盟諸国や価値観を同じくする国々との連携が必要だと、米国は繰り返す。
頼りないとはいえ実践例のひとつがこれであろう。
バイデン米政権は米軍配備の指針「世界規模での軍事態勢見直し（ＧＰＲ）」で、中国を念頭にインド・太平洋地域に重心を移す方針を示したが、部隊の大規模配置転換は見送った。
米国の小幅な戦略見直しはここでも諸国の落胆を招いた。
中国の脅威をかわすのに米国に頼りつつも世界全体が積極的に協力すべきところに来ているのである。
中国は米国の民主主義サミットに対抗して12月４日、「中国の民主」を発表した。
同報告を貫くのは「全過程人民民主」という中国流民主主義の正当性を強調する強引な主張だ。
24㌻にわたる主張は、習近平氏が中国共産党のトップとなった「2012年以降、中国は素躋らしい成果」をおさめてきたという自画自賛から始まる。
これはおよそ全ての文書で枕詞として使われる習氏への個人崇拝促進の表現だ。
習氏による絶対専制独裁体制は民主とは程遠いが、中国は言う。
「中国の民主」は人民が国家の主だと。
人民には投票権も立候補権もあり、政府批判の権利、言論、報道、集会、結社、デモ、信教の自由もあると。
それにしては、香港の自由な言論空間は、あっという間に消えた。香港の選挙は形だけとなった。
自由も民主的選挙も既得権益の塊である一党独裁の中国共産党には絶対に受け入れられないものだ。
中国は民主の旗を立てながら、その実、非民主的な力の行使に何の抵抗も感じていない。
その統治の方式は中国が他国に勢力を伸ばすとき、被統治国にも必ず適用されるはずだ。
そのことを岸田文雄政権は肝に銘じて対中外交を展開しなければならない。
甘い考えで国と国民を守れると思ってはならない。
恐ろしいほどの野心を抱く習氏だが、一方で国際社会の批判におののいているのか。
「中国の民主」に続いて翌５日には「米国の民主状況」を発表させ、米国の民主主義を切って捨ててみせた。
米国社会の人種差別、富の偏在、大資本によるメディア支配、名目だけの言論の自由などと弊害をあげつらっている。
中国の指摘は一面の真実を突くものではあるが、中国にも米国と同じか、それ以上に深刻な同様の問題があることを彼らは認めない。
米中両国の価値観の戦いの中でわが国が人類社会に対して担う責任は重い。
第１に、日本は世界第３の経済大国として、基本的に自力で自国防衛をなし遂げ、米国をも支え、協力する姿を全世界に示すことだ。
たとえば中国が台湾、尖閣、沖縄を奪取するための基本戦略と見なす第１列島線に米国の中距離ミサイルではなく、わが国の技術で製浩する中距離ミサイルを配備することだろう。
第２に、米国とも異なり、無論中国とは正反対の日本の文化と価値観に基づく国家観を打ち出すことだ。
中国に位負けせずに言うべきことを言うことだ。
たとえば北京五輪についてバイデン米大統領は11月18日、「外交的ボイコットを検討中」と語った。
英国を含む欧州諸国も同様だ。
わが国こそ真っ先にそれを言わなければならない。
せっかく、国際人権問題担当首相補佐官を設け、中谷元・元防衛相を起用した。
首相は中谷氏に明確な発信を指示すべきだろう。
中谷氏は補佐官就任と同時に中国の人権問題に物言わぬ人となったが、物言わぬのであれば更迭すべきだ。
台湾問題に関する林芳正外相の沈黙も国民のみならず、国際社会の疑惑を深めている。
対照的に中国が林氏擁護に熱心だ。
そもそも中国は日本の政治家をどのように分析しているか。
中国共産党機関紙、人民日報系の「環球時報」の編集長は９月５日、「日本の政治家はせいぜい中国に対する口先攻撃で満足する人々だ。安全保障における攻撃的な行動を取る勇気は絶対にないだろう」とSＮSに投稿した。
日本の政治家をこのようにおとしめる一方で、彼らは林氏を称賛する。
林氏が外相就任時に日中友好議員連盟の会長を辞した件について環球時報は11月19日、黒竜江杳社会科学院北東アジア研究所の箟志剛（たん・しごう）所長の論文を載せた。箟氏は、林氏の日中議連会長辞任は「一人を殺して大勢の見せしめにしようとするもの」だと批判し、「（林氏ら）知中派は日本の保守的思考を食い止める清流勢力」だと持ち上げた。
中国に物言わぬ「知中派」は何よりも中国の国益につながると見ているのであろう。
今はあらゆる意味で戦うときだ。
「台湾有事は日本有事であり日米同盟の有事である」（安倍晋三元首相）。
「中国が台湾に侵攻すれば多くの人々にとって恐ろしい結果になる。米国は断固として台湾に関与する」（ブリンケン米国務長官）。
両氏のように明確なメッセージを発信して中国に誤解させないことが肝要だ。
自民党公約を見れば、首相は宏池会の希望的観測に基づく平和志向からの脱皮を意図しているのだろう。
ならば迅速に行動で示すべきだ。
以下は今日の産経新聞のフロントページに掲載された櫻井よしこさんの定期連載コラムからである。
本論文も彼女が最澄が定義した国宝、至上の国宝である事を証明している。
日本国民のみならず世界中の人達が必読。
見出し以外の文中強調は私。
希望的平和志向脱皮を
米中の価値観をめぐる対立の顕在化で両国間の妥協の余地が狭まりつつある。
米外交専門誌「フォーリン・アフェアーズ」11・12月号でシカゴ大学のジョン・ミアシャイマ―教授は米国が長年、中国の現実から目をそらしてきた結果、両国間紛争は回避不可能な状況に達し、人類は核戦争へのエスカレーションの危機にあると、警告した。
米中対立はそれほど深刻である。
決して起こしてはならない核戦争を防ぐため、私たちはかつてないほどの決意で現実を見詰め、責任ある思考を巡らせなければならない。
核戦争の危険を避けるには、米国が恐ろしいほどの軍事力を東アジアに配備し中国を抑止することだとミアシャイマー氏は書いた。
岸田文雄首相の持論「核なき世界を目指す」という漠とした考えでは日本および周辺諸国を守り切ることはできない。
ではこの危機をどう乗り越えるか。
米国は明確な戦略変更を打ち出した。
そのひとつの現象が12月９日、10日に開催する民主主義サミットであろう。
約１１０の国・地域を招き、２日間のオンライン会議で、①各国が自国の民主主義の実態を確認し、②１年後、足らざるところを埋めて共同で対処するというものだ。
１国だけで中国の脅威には向き合えない、同盟諸国や価値観を同じくする国々との連携が必要だと、米国は繰り返す。
頼りないとはいえ実践例のひとつがこれであろう。
バイデン米政権は米軍配備の指針「世界規模での軍事態勢見直し（ＧＰＲ）」で、中国を念頭にインド・太平洋地域に重心を移す方針を示したが、部隊の大規模配置転換は見送った。
米国の小幅な戦略見直しはここでも諸国の落胆を招いた。
中国の脅威をかわすのに米国に頼りつつも世界全体が積極的に協力すべきところに来ているのである。
中国は米国の民主主義サミットに対抗して12月４日、「中国の民主」を発表した。
同報告を貫くのは「全過程人民民主」という中国流民主主義の正当性を強調する強引な主張だ。
24㌻にわたる主張は、習近平氏が中国共産党のトップとなった「2012年以降、中国は素躋らしい成果」をおさめてきたという自画自賛から始まる。
これはおよそ全ての文書で枕詞として使われる習氏への個人崇拝促進の表現だ。
習氏による絶対専制独裁体制は民主とは程遠いが、中国は言う。
「中国の民主」は人民が国家の主だと。
人民には投票権も立候補権もあり、政府批判の権利、言論、報道、集会、結社、デモ、信教の自由もあると。
それにしては、香港の自由な言論空間は、あっという間に消えた。香港の選挙は形だけとなった。
自由も民主的選挙も既得権益の塊である一党独裁の中国共産党には絶対に受け入れられないものだ。
中国は民主の旗を立てながら、その実、非民主的な力の行使に何の抵抗も感じていない。
その統治の方式は中国が他国に勢力を伸ばすとき、被統治国にも必ず適用されるはずだ。
そのことを岸田文雄政権は肝に銘じて対中外交を展開しなければならない。
甘い考えで国と国民を守れると思ってはならない。
恐ろしいほどの野心を抱く習氏だが、一方で国際社会の批判におののいているのか。
「中国の民主」に続いて翌５日には「米国の民主状況」を発表させ、米国の民主主義を切って捨ててみせた。
米国社会の人種差別、富の偏在、大資本によるメディア支配、名目だけの言論の自由などと弊害をあげつらっている。
中国の指摘は一面の真実を突くものではあるが、中国にも米国と同じか、それ以上に深刻な同様の問題があることを彼らは認めない。
米中両国の価値観の戦いの中でわが国が人類社会に対して担う責任は重い。
第１に、日本は世界第３の経済大国として、基本的に自力で自国防衛をなし遂げ、米国をも支え、協力する姿を全世界に示すことだ。
たとえば中国が台湾、尖閣、沖縄を奪取するための基本戦略と見なす第１列島線に米国の中距離ミサイルではなく、わが国の技術で製浩する中距離ミサイルを配備することだろう。
第２に、米国とも異なり、無論中国とは正反対の日本の文化と価値観に基づく国家観を打ち出すことだ。
中国に位負けせずに言うべきことを言うことだ。
たとえば北京五輪についてバイデン米大統領は11月18日、「外交的ボイコットを検討中」と語った。
英国を含む欧州諸国も同様だ。
わが国こそ真っ先にそれを言わなければならない。
せっかく、国際人権問題担当首相補佐官を設け、中谷元・元防衛相を起用した。
首相は中谷氏に明確な発信を指示すべきだろう。
中谷氏は補佐官就任と同時に中国の人権問題に物言わぬ人となったが、物言わぬのであれば更迭すべきだ。
台湾問題に関する林芳正外相の沈黙も国民のみならず、国際社会の疑惑を深めている。
対照的に中国が林氏擁護に熱心だ。
そもそも中国は日本の政治家をどのように分析しているか。
中国共産党機関紙、人民日報系の「環球時報」の編集長は９月５日、「日本の政治家はせいぜい中国に対する口先攻撃で満足する人々だ。安全保障における攻撃的な行動を取る勇気は絶対にないだろう」とSＮSに投稿した。
日本の政治家をこのようにおとしめる一方で、彼らは林氏を称賛する。
林氏が外相就任時に日中友好議員連盟の会長を辞した件について環球時報は11月19日、黒竜江杳社会科学院北東アジア研究所の箟志剛（たん・しごう）所長の論文を載せた。箟氏は、林氏の日中議連会長辞任は「一人を殺して大勢の見せしめにしようとするもの」だと批判し、「（林氏ら）知中派は日本の保守的思考を食い止める清流勢力」だと持ち上げた。
中国に物言わぬ「知中派」は何よりも中国の国益につながると見ているのであろう。
今はあらゆる意味で戦うときだ。
「台湾有事は日本有事であり日米同盟の有事である」（安倍晋三元首相）。
「中国が台湾に侵攻すれば多くの人々にとって恐ろしい結果になる。米国は断固として台湾に関与する」（ブリンケン米国務長官）。
両氏のように明確なメッセージを発信して中国に誤解させないことが肝要だ。
自民党公約を見れば、首相は宏池会の希望的観測に基づく平和志向からの脱皮を意図しているのだろう。
ならば迅速に行動で示すべきだ。
The following is from a regular column by Yoshiko Sakurai that appeared on the front page of today's Sankei Shimbun.
This article also proves that she is a national treasure defined by Saicho, the supreme national treasure.
It is a must-read not only for the Japanese people but also for people worldwide.
The emphasis in the text except for the headline is mine.
Hopeful Peace-Oriented Departure
As the confrontation between the U.S. and China overvalues becomes more apparent, the room for compromise between the two countries is narrowing.
In the November/December issue of Foreign Affairs, John Mearsheimer, a professor at the University of Chicago, warned that after years of the U.S. turning a blind eye to the reality of China, the conflict between the two countries has reached an inevitable point and humanity is on the verge of escalating to nuclear war.
The U.S.-China conflict is that serious.
To prevent a nuclear war, which must never happen, we must look at reality with unprecedented determination and think responsibly.
Mr. Mearsheimer wrote that the only way to avoid the danger of nuclear war is for the United States to deploy a formidable military force in East Asia to deter China.
Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's vague idea of a nuclear-free world will not protect Japan and its neighbors.
So how can we overcome this crisis?
The U.S. has come up with an apparent change in strategy.
One of the phenomena will be the Democracy Summit held on December 9 and 10.
About 110 countries and regions will be invited to a two-day online conference where (1) each country will confirm the reality of its democracy, and (2) a year from now; they will fill in the gaps and take joint action.
The U.S. reiterates that one country alone cannot face the threat of China and that cooperation with allies and countries that share its values is necessary.
It is one practical, albeit unreliable, example.
In its Global Posture Review (GPR), a guideline for deploying U.S. forces, the Biden administration indicated a policy of shifting its center of gravity to the Indo-Pacific region with China in mind but decided not to make a large-scale reallocation of troops.
Again, the U.S.'s modest strategic review has discouraged other countries.
It is time for the entire world to actively cooperate in fending off the Chinese threat while relying on the U.S.
In response to the U.S. democracy summit, China released its "Democracy in China" report on December 4.
Running through the report is a forceful assertion of the legitimacy of Chinese-style democracy as "democracy for the people in all processes."
The 24-page report begins with the self-praise that China had made "outstanding achievements since 2012," when Mr. Xi Jinping became the head of the Communist Party of China.
It is a phrase used as a pillow in almost every document to promote the personal adoration of Mr. Xi.
Xi's absolute dictatorship is far from democratic, but China says it is.
Chinese democracy" means that the people are the masters of the state.
The people have the right to vote, run for office, criticize the government, and have freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, demonstration, and religion.
For that matter, the free speech space in Hong Kong disappeared in a flash. As a result, Hong Kong's elections have become a formality.
Freedom and democratic elections are absolutely unacceptable to the one-party dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party, which is a mass of vested interests.
China raises the banner of democracy but feels no resistance to the undemocratic use of force.
This system of governance must be applied to the governed countries when China extends its influence to other countries.
The Fumio Kishida administration must keep this in mind when conducting diplomacy with China.
It must not think that it can protect the nation and its people with naive thinking.
Mr. Xi's ambition is frightening, but is he also afraid of criticism from the international community?
Following the release of "Democracy in China" on the 5th, he released "The State of Democracy in the United States," He slashed democracy in the United States.
It pointed out the evils of U.S. society, such as racism, uneven distribution of wealth, control of the media by significant capital, and freedom of speech in name only.
While China's points are valid to an end, they fail to acknowledge that China has similar problems that are as serious or more serious than those in the U.S.
In the battle of values between the U.S. and China, our country has a heavy responsibility to human society.
First, as the world's third-largest economy, Japan must show the world that it can defend itself on its own and support and cooperate with the United States.
For example, Japan should deploy medium-range missiles manufactured with its own technology, rather than U.S. medium-range missiles, on the first island chain. China considers its primary strategy for seizing Taiwan, the Senkakus, and Okinawa.
Second, we must develop a national vision based on Japanese culture and values, which are different from those of the United States and, of course, the exact opposite of those of China.
It means saying what needs to be told without being outdone by China.
To say what we should say to China without not living up to our position.
For example, U.S. President Biden said on November 18 that he was "considering a diplomatic boycott" of the Beijing Olympics.
The same is true for the U.K. and other European countries.
Our country should be the first to say so.
We have trouble creating an assistant to the prime minister for international human rights affairs and appointing Gen Nakatani, the former defense minister.
The prime minister should instruct Mr. Nakatani to send a clear message.
As soon as Mr. Nakatani assumed the post of assistant minister, he became a man who did not speak out on human rights issues in China, but if he did not speak out, he should be removed.
Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi's silence on the Taiwan issue has also deepened suspicion among the Japanese people and the international community.
China, by contrast, is eager to defend Hayashi.
To begin with, how does China analyze Japanese politicians?
On September 5, the editor-in-chief of the Huanghua Times, an affiliate of the People's Daily, the official newspaper of the Communist Party of China, said, "At best, Japanese politicians are people who are satisfied with verbal attacks on China. They will never have the courage to take aggressive action in security matters," he posted on SNS.
While demonizing Japanese politicians in this way, they also praise Mr. Hayashi.
Regarding Mr. Hayashi's resignation from the Japan-China Parliamentary Friendship League presidency when he became foreign minister, the World Economic Forum published on November 19 an article by Dr. Shigang Tan, director of the Northeast Asia Research Institute at the Heilongjiang Institute of Social Sciences. The report criticized Mr. Hayashi's resignation as president of the Japan-China Parliamentary Union as "an attempt to kill one person and make an example of many others," and called the "Chinese-influenced faction (including Mr. Hayashi) a clear force that can stop conservative thinking in Japan.
It is likely that the "intellectuals," who are not afraid to speak out against China, see this as serving China's national interests above all else.
Now is the time to fight in every sense of the word.
Former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said, "The Taiwan crisis is a Japanese crisis and a crisis for the Japan-U.S. alliance."
"If China invades Taiwan, it will have terrifying consequences for many. The United States is determined to be involved in Taiwan," said U.S. Secretary of State Blinken.
We must send a clear message to China to not misunderstand us.
Judging from the LDP pledges, the prime minister probably intends to move away from a peace orientation based on Kochi-kai's wishful thinking.
If this is the case, he should show it through swift action.
以下は今日の産経新聞のフロントページに掲載された櫻井よしこさんの定期連載コラムからである。
本論文も彼女が最澄が定義した国宝、至上の国宝である事を証明している。
日本国民のみならず世界中の人達が必読。
見出し以外の文中強調は私。
希望的平和志向脱皮を
米中の価値観をめぐる対立の顕在化で両国間の妥協の余地が狭まりつつある。
米外交専門誌「フォーリン・アフェアーズ」11・12月号でシカゴ大学のジョン・ミアシャイマ―教授は米国が長年、中国の現実から目をそらしてきた結果、両国間紛争は回避不可能な状況に達し、人類は核戦争へのエスカレーションの危機にあると、警告した。
米中対立はそれほど深刻である。
決して起こしてはならない核戦争を防ぐため、私たちはかつてないほどの決意で現実を見詰め、責任ある思考を巡らせなければならない。
核戦争の危険を避けるには、米国が恐ろしいほどの軍事力を東アジアに配備し中国を抑止することだとミアシャイマー氏は書いた。
岸田文雄首相の持論「核なき世界を目指す」という漠とした考えでは日本および周辺諸国を守り切ることはできない。
ではこの危機をどう乗り越えるか。
米国は明確な戦略変更を打ち出した。
そのひとつの現象が12月９日、10日に開催する民主主義サミットであろう。
約１１０の国・地域を招き、２日間のオンライン会議で、①各国が自国の民主主義の実態を確認し、②１年後、足らざるところを埋めて共同で対処するというものだ。
１国だけで中国の脅威には向き合えない、同盟諸国や価値観を同じくする国々との連携が必要だと、米国は繰り返す。
頼りないとはいえ実践例のひとつがこれであろう。
バイデン米政権は米軍配備の指針「世界規模での軍事態勢見直し（ＧＰＲ）」で、中国を念頭にインド・太平洋地域に重心を移す方針を示したが、部隊の大規模配置転換は見送った。
米国の小幅な戦略見直しはここでも諸国の落胆を招いた。
中国の脅威をかわすのに米国に頼りつつも世界全体が積極的に協力すべきところに来ているのである。
中国は米国の民主主義サミットに対抗して12月４日、「中国の民主」を発表した。
同報告を貫くのは「全過程人民民主」という中国流民主主義の正当性を強調する強引な主張だ。
24㌻にわたる主張は、習近平氏が中国共産党のトップとなった「2012年以降、中国は素躋らしい成果」をおさめてきたという自画自賛から始まる。
これはおよそ全ての文書で枕詞として使われる習氏への個人崇拝促進の表現だ。
習氏による絶対専制独裁体制は民主とは程遠いが、中国は言う。
「中国の民主」は人民が国家の主だと。
人民には投票権も立候補権もあり、政府批判の権利、言論、報道、集会、結社、デモ、信教の自由もあると。
それにしては、香港の自由な言論空間は、あっという間に消えた。香港の選挙は形だけとなった。
自由も民主的選挙も既得権益の塊である一党独裁の中国共産党には絶対に受け入れられないものだ。
中国は民主の旗を立てながら、その実、非民主的な力の行使に何の抵抗も感じていない。
その統治の方式は中国が他国に勢力を伸ばすとき、被統治国にも必ず適用されるはずだ。
そのことを岸田文雄政権は肝に銘じて対中外交を展開しなければならない。
甘い考えで国と国民を守れると思ってはならない。
恐ろしいほどの野心を抱く習氏だが、一方で国際社会の批判におののいているのか。
「中国の民主」に続いて翌５日には「米国の民主状況」を発表させ、米国の民主主義を切って捨ててみせた。
米国社会の人種差別、富の偏在、大資本によるメディア支配、名目だけの言論の自由などと弊害をあげつらっている。
中国の指摘は一面の真実を突くものではあるが、中国にも米国と同じか、それ以上に深刻な同様の問題があることを彼らは認めない。
米中両国の価値観の戦いの中でわが国が人類社会に対して担う責任は重い。
第１に、日本は世界第３の経済大国として、基本的に自力で自国防衛をなし遂げ、米国をも支え、協力する姿を全世界に示すことだ。
たとえば中国が台湾、尖閣、沖縄を奪取するための基本戦略と見なす第１列島線に米国の中距離ミサイルではなく、わが国の技術で製浩する中距離ミサイルを配備することだろう。
第２に、米国とも異なり、無論中国とは正反対の日本の文化と価値観に基づく国家観を打ち出すことだ。
中国に位負けせずに言うべきことを言うことだ。
たとえば北京五輪についてバイデン米大統領は11月18日、「外交的ボイコットを検討中」と語った。
英国を含む欧州諸国も同様だ。
わが国こそ真っ先にそれを言わなければならない。
せっかく、国際人権問題担当首相補佐官を設け、中谷元・元防衛相を起用した。
首相は中谷氏に明確な発信を指示すべきだろう。
中谷氏は補佐官就任と同時に中国の人権問題に物言わぬ人となったが、物言わぬのであれば更迭すべきだ。
台湾問題に関する林芳正外相の沈黙も国民のみならず、国際社会の疑惑を深めている。
対照的に中国が林氏擁護に熱心だ。
そもそも中国は日本の政治家をどのように分析しているか。
中国共産党機関紙、人民日報系の「環球時報」の編集長は９月５日、「日本の政治家はせいぜい中国に対する口先攻撃で満足する人々だ。安全保障における攻撃的な行動を取る勇気は絶対にないだろう」とSＮSに投稿した。
日本の政治家をこのようにおとしめる一方で、彼らは林氏を称賛する。
林氏が外相就任時に日中友好議員連盟の会長を辞した件について環球時報は11月19日、黒竜江杳社会科学院北東アジア研究所の箟志剛（たん・しごう）所長の論文を載せた。箟氏は、林氏の日中議連会長辞任は「一人を殺して大勢の見せしめにしようとするもの」だと批判し、「（林氏ら）知中派は日本の保守的思考を食い止める清流勢力」だと持ち上げた。
中国に物言わぬ「知中派」は何よりも中国の国益につながると見ているのであろう。
今はあらゆる意味で戦うときだ。
「台湾有事は日本有事であり日米同盟の有事である」（安倍晋三元首相）。
「中国が台湾に侵攻すれば多くの人々にとって恐ろしい結果になる。米国は断固として台湾に関与する」（ブリンケン米国務長官）。
両氏のように明確なメッセージを発信して中国に誤解させないことが肝要だ。
自民党公約を見れば、首相は宏池会の希望的観測に基づく平和志向からの脱皮を意図しているのだろう。
ならば迅速に行動で示すべきだ。
Diplomatic Boycott of the Beijing Olympics, Growing 'Total Non-Participation'.
岸田文雄首相の持論「核なき世界を目指す」という漠とした考えでは日本および周辺諸国を守り切ることはできない
世界の論点、北京五輪の外交的ボイコット、強まる「全面的不参加論」
米国が長年、中国の現実から目をそらしてきた結果、両国間紛争は回避不可能な状況に達し…
To begin with, how does China analyze Japanese politicians?
Top 10 real-time searches 2021/12/6, 18:37
To say what we should say to China without not living up to our position
Diplomatic Boycott of the Beijing Olympics, Growing 'Total Non-Participation'.
Top 10 real-time searches 2021/12/6, 13:25
岸田文雄首相の持論「核なき世界を目指す」という漠とした考えでは日本および周辺諸国を守り切ることはできない
Don't listen to the Social Democrats!
If the number of idiots who only watch TV increases, Japan will be finished!
世界の論点、北京五輪の外交的ボイコット、強まる「全面的不参加論」
米国が長年、中国の現実から目をそらしてきた結果、両国間紛争は回避不可能な状況に達し…
To begin with, how does China analyze Japanese politicians?
民主主義なら、スタジオに揃える議員の数もそれぞれの得票率に合わせて配分…発言時間に差をつけるべき
The following is from a regular column by Yoshiko Sakurai that appeared on the front page of today's Sankei Shimbun.
This article also proves that she is a national treasure defined by Saicho, the supreme national treasure.
It is a must-read not only for the Japanese people but also for people worldwide.
The emphasis in the text except for the headline is mine.
Hopeful Peace-Oriented Departure
As the confrontation between the U.S. and China overvalues becomes more apparent, the room for compromise between the two countries is narrowing.
In the November/December issue of Foreign Affairs, John Mearsheimer, a professor at the University of Chicago, warned that after years of the U.S. turning a blind eye to the reality of China, the conflict between the two countries has reached an inevitable point and humanity is on the verge of escalating to nuclear war.
The U.S.-China conflict is that serious.
To prevent a nuclear war, which must never happen, we must look at reality with unprecedented determination and think responsibly.
Mr. Mearsheimer wrote that the only way to avoid the danger of nuclear war is for the United States to deploy a formidable military force in East Asia to deter China.
Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's vague idea of a nuclear-free world will not protect Japan and its neighbors.
So how can we overcome this crisis?
The U.S. has come up with an apparent change in strategy.
One of the phenomena will be the Democracy Summit held on December 9 and 10.
About 110 countries and regions will be invited to a two-day online conference where (1) each country will confirm the reality of its democracy, and (2) a year from now; they will fill in the gaps and take joint action.
The U.S. reiterates that one country alone cannot face the threat of China and that cooperation with allies and countries that share its values is necessary.
It is one practical, albeit unreliable, example.
In its Global Posture Review (GPR), a guideline for deploying U.S. forces, the Biden administration indicated a policy of shifting its center of gravity to the Indo-Pacific region with China in mind but decided not to make a large-scale reallocation of troops.
Again, the U.S.'s modest strategic review has discouraged other countries.
It is time for the entire world to actively cooperate in fending off the Chinese threat while relying on the U.S.
In response to the U.S. democracy summit, China released its "Democracy in China" report on December 4.
Running through the report is a forceful assertion of the legitimacy of Chinese-style democracy as "democracy for the people in all processes."
The 24-page report begins with the self-praise that China had made "outstanding achievements since 2012," when Mr. Xi Jinping became the head of the Communist Party of China.
It is a phrase used as a pillow in almost every document to promote the personal adoration of Mr. Xi.
Xi's absolute dictatorship is far from democratic, but China says it is.
Chinese democracy" means that the people are the masters of the state.
The people have the right to vote, run for office, criticize the government, and have freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, demonstration, and religion.
For that matter, the free speech space in Hong Kong disappeared in a flash. As a result, Hong Kong's elections have become a formality.
Freedom and democratic elections are absolutely unacceptable to the one-party dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party, which is a mass of vested interests.
China raises the banner of democracy but feels no resistance to the undemocratic use of force.
This system of governance must be applied to the governed countries when China extends its influence to other countries.
The Fumio Kishida administration must keep this in mind when conducting diplomacy with China.
It must not think that it can protect the nation and its people with naive thinking.
Mr. Xi's ambition is frightening, but is he also afraid of criticism from the international community?
Following the release of "Democracy in China" on the 5th, he released "The State of Democracy in the United States," He slashed democracy in the United States.
It pointed out the evils of U.S. society, such as racism, uneven distribution of wealth, control of the media by significant capital, and freedom of speech in name only.
While China's points are valid to an end, they fail to acknowledge that China has similar problems that are as serious or more serious than those in the U.S.
In the battle of values between the U.S. and China, our country has a heavy responsibility to human society.
First, as the world's third-largest economy, Japan must show the world that it can defend itself on its own and support and cooperate with the United States.
For example, Japan should deploy medium-range missiles manufactured with its own technology, rather than U.S. medium-range missiles, on the first island chain. China considers its primary strategy for seizing Taiwan, the Senkakus, and Okinawa.
Second, we must develop a national vision based on Japanese culture and values, which are different from those of the United States and, of course, the exact opposite of those of China.
It means saying what needs to be told without being outdone by China.
To say what we should say to China without not living up to our position.
For example, U.S. President Biden said on November 18 that he was "considering a diplomatic boycott" of the Beijing Olympics.
The same is true for the U.K. and other European countries.
Our country should be the first to say so.
We have trouble creating an assistant to the prime minister for international human rights affairs and appointing Gen Nakatani, the former defense minister.
The prime minister should instruct Mr. Nakatani to send a clear message.
As soon as Mr. Nakatani assumed the post of assistant minister, he became a man who did not speak out on human rights issues in China, but if he did not speak out, he should be removed.
Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi's silence on the Taiwan issue has also deepened suspicion among the Japanese people and the international community.
China, by contrast, is eager to defend Mr. Hayashi.
To begin with, how does China analyze Japanese politicians?
On September 5, the editor-in-chief of the Huanghua Times, an affiliate of the People's Daily, the official newspaper of the Communist Party of China, said, "At best, Japanese politicians are people who are satisfied with verbal attacks on China. They will never have the courage to take aggressive action in security matters," he posted on SNS.
While demonizing Japanese politicians in this way, they also praise Mr. Hayashi.
Regarding Mr. Hayashi's resignation from the Japan-China Parliamentary Friendship League presidency when he became foreign minister, the World Economic Forum published on November 19 an article by Dr. Shigang Tan, director of the Northeast Asia Research Institute at the Heilongjiang Institute of Social Sciences. The report criticized Mr. Hayashi's resignation as president of the Japan-China Parliamentary Union as "an attempt to kill one person and make an example of many others," and called the "Chinese-influenced faction (including Mr. Hayashi) a clear force that can stop conservative thinking in Japan.
It is likely that the "intellectuals," who are not afraid to speak out against China, see this as serving China's national interests above all else.
Now is the time to fight in every sense of the word.
Former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said, "The Taiwan crisis is a Japanese crisis and a crisis for the Japan-U.S. alliance."
"If China invades Taiwan, it will have terrifying consequences for many. The United States is determined to be involved in Taiwan," said U.S. Secretary of State Blinken.
We must send a clear message to China to not misunderstand us.
Judging from the LDP pledges, the prime minister probably intends to move away from a peace orientation based on Kochi-kai's wishful thinking.
If this is the case, he should show it through swift action.
The following is from a regular column by Yoshiko Sakurai that appeared on the front page of today's Sankei Shimbun.
This article also proves that she is a national treasure defined by Saicho, the supreme national treasure.
It is a must-read not only for the Japanese people but also for people worldwide.
The emphasis in the text except for the headline is mine.
Hopeful Peace-Oriented Departure
As the confrontation between the U.S. and China overvalues becomes more apparent, the room for compromise between the two countries is narrowing.
In the November/December issue of Foreign Affairs, John Mearsheimer, a professor at the University of Chicago, warned that after years of the U.S. turning a blind eye to the reality of China, the conflict between the two countries has reached an inevitable point and humanity is on the verge of escalating to nuclear war.
The U.S.-China conflict is that serious.
To prevent a nuclear war, which must never happen, we must look at reality with unprecedented determination and think responsibly.
Mr. Mearsheimer wrote that the only way to avoid the danger of nuclear war is for the United States to deploy a formidable military force in East Asia to deter China.
Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's vague idea of a nuclear-free world will not protect Japan and its neighbors.
So how can we overcome this crisis?
The U.S. has come up with an apparent change in strategy.
One of the phenomena will be the Democracy Summit held on December 9 and 10.
About 110 countries and regions will be invited to a two-day online conference where (1) each country will confirm the reality of its democracy, and (2) a year from now; they will fill in the gaps and take joint action.
The U.S. reiterates that one country alone cannot face the threat of China and that cooperation with allies and countries that share its values is necessary.
It is one practical, albeit unreliable, example.
In its Global Posture Review (GPR), a guideline for deploying U.S. forces, the Biden administration indicated a policy of shifting its center of gravity to the Indo-Pacific region with China in mind but decided not to make a large-scale reallocation of troops.
Again, the U.S.'s modest strategic review has discouraged other countries.
It is time for the entire world to actively cooperate in fending off the Chinese threat while relying on the U.S.
In response to the U.S. democracy summit, China released its "Democracy in China" report on December 4.
Running through the report is a forceful assertion of the legitimacy of Chinese-style democracy as "democracy for the people in all processes."
The 24-page report begins with the self-praise that China had made "outstanding achievements since 2012," when Mr. Xi Jinping became the head of the Communist Party of China.
It is a phrase used as a pillow in almost every document to promote the personal adoration of Mr. Xi.
Xi's absolute dictatorship is far from democratic, but China says it is.
Chinese democracy" means that the people are the masters of the state.
The people have the right to vote, run for office, criticize the government, and have freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, demonstration, and religion.
For that matter, the free speech space in Hong Kong disappeared in a flash. As a result, Hong Kong's elections have become a formality.
Freedom and democratic elections are absolutely unacceptable to the one-party dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party, which is a mass of vested interests.
China raises the banner of democracy but feels no resistance to the undemocratic use of force.
This system of governance must be applied to the governed countries when China extends its influence to other countries.
The Fumio Kishida administration must keep this in mind when conducting diplomacy with China.
It must not think that it can protect the nation and its people with naive thinking.
Mr. Xi's ambition is frightening, but is he also afraid of criticism from the international community?
Following the release of "Democracy in China" on the 5th, he released "The State of Democracy in the United States," He slashed democracy in the United States.
It pointed out the evils of U.S. society, such as racism, uneven distribution of wealth, control of the media by significant capital, and freedom of speech in name only.
While China's points are valid to an end, they fail to acknowledge that China has similar problems that are as serious or more serious than those in the U.S.
In the battle of values between the U.S. and China, our country has a heavy responsibility to human society.
First, as the world's third-largest economy, Japan must show the world that it can defend itself on its own and support and cooperate with the United States.
For example, Japan should deploy medium-range missiles manufactured with its own technology, rather than U.S. medium-range missiles, on the first island chain. China considers its primary strategy for seizing Taiwan, the Senkakus, and Okinawa.
Second, we must develop a national vision based on Japanese culture and values, which are different from those of the United States and, of course, the exact opposite of those of China.
It means saying what needs to be told without being outdone by China.
To say what we should say to China without not living up to our position.
For example, U.S. President Biden said on November 18 that he was "considering a diplomatic boycott" of the Beijing Olympics.
The same is true for the U.K. and other European countries.
Our country should be the first to say so.
We have trouble creating an assistant to the prime minister for international human rights affairs and appointing Gen Nakatani, the former defense minister.
The prime minister should instruct Mr. Nakatani to send a clear message.
As soon as Mr. Nakatani assumed the post of assistant minister, he became a man who did not speak out on human rights issues in China, but if he did not speak out, he should be removed.
Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi's silence on the Taiwan issue has also deepened suspicion among the Japanese people and the international community.
China, by contrast, is eager to defend Mr. Hayashi.
To begin with, how does China analyze Japanese politicians?
On September 5, the editor-in-chief of the Huanghua Times, an affiliate of the People's Daily, the official newspaper of the Communist Party of China, said, "At best, Japanese politicians are people who are satisfied with verbal attacks on China. They will never have the courage to take aggressive action in security matters," he posted on SNS.
While demonizing Japanese politicians in this way, they also praise Mr. Hayashi.
Regarding Mr. Hayashi's resignation from the Japan-China Parliamentary Friendship League presidency when he became foreign minister, the World Economic Forum published on November 19 an article by Dr. Shigang Tan, director of the Northeast Asia Research Institute at the Heilongjiang Institute of Social Sciences. The report criticized Mr. Hayashi's resignation as president of the Japan-China Parliamentary Union as "an attempt to kill one person and make an example of many others," and called the "Chinese-influenced faction (including Mr. Hayashi) a clear force that can stop conservative thinking in Japan.
It is likely that the "intellectuals," who are not afraid to speak out against China, see this as serving China's national interests above all else.
Now is the time to fight in every sense of the word.
Former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said, "The Taiwan crisis is a Japanese crisis and a crisis for the Japan-U.S. alliance."
"If China invades Taiwan, it will have terrifying consequences for many. The United States is determined to be involved in Taiwan," said U.S. Secretary of State Blinken.
We must send a clear message to China to not misunderstand us.
Judging from the LDP pledges, the prime minister probably intends to move away from a peace orientation based on Kochi-kai's wishful thinking.
If this is the case, he should show it through swift action.
The following is from a regular column by Yoshiko Sakurai that appeared on the front page of today's Sankei Shimbun.
This article also proves that she is a national treasure defined by Saicho, the supreme national treasure.
It is a must-read not only for the Japanese people but also for people worldwide.
The emphasis in the text except for the headline is mine.
Hopeful Peace-Oriented Departure
As the confrontation between the U.S. and China overvalues becomes more apparent, the room for compromise between the two countries is narrowing.
In the November/December issue of Foreign Affairs, John Mearsheimer, a professor at the University of Chicago, warned that after years of the U.S. turning a blind eye to the reality of China, the conflict between the two countries has reached an inevitable point and humanity is on the verge of escalating to nuclear war.
The U.S.-China conflict is that serious.
To prevent a nuclear war, which must never happen, we must look at reality with unprecedented determination and think responsibly.
Mr. Mearsheimer wrote that the only way to avoid the danger of nuclear war is for the United States to deploy a formidable military force in East Asia to deter China.
Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's vague idea of a nuclear-free world will not protect Japan and its neighbors.
So how can we overcome this crisis?
The U.S. has come up with an apparent change in strategy.
One of the phenomena will be the Democracy Summit held on December 9 and 10.
About 110 countries and regions will be invited to a two-day online conference where (1) each country will confirm the reality of its democracy, and (2) a year from now; they will fill in the gaps and take joint action.
The U.S. reiterates that one country alone cannot face the threat of China and that cooperation with allies and countries that share its values is necessary.
It is one practical, albeit unreliable, example.
In its Global Posture Review (GPR), a guideline for deploying U.S. forces, the Biden administration indicated a policy of shifting its center of gravity to the Indo-Pacific region with China in mind but decided not to make a large-scale reallocation of troops.
Again, the U.S.'s modest strategic review has discouraged other countries.
It is time for the entire world to actively cooperate in fending off the Chinese threat while relying on the U.S.
In response to the U.S. democracy summit, China released its "Democracy in China" report on December 4.
Running through the report is a forceful assertion of the legitimacy of Chinese-style democracy as "democracy for the people in all processes."
The 24-page report begins with the self-praise that China had made "outstanding achievements since 2012," when Mr. Xi Jinping became the head of the Communist Party of China.
It is a phrase used as a pillow in almost every document to promote the personal adoration of Mr. Xi.
Xi's absolute dictatorship is far from democratic, but China says it is.
Chinese democracy" means that the people are the masters of the state.
The people have the right to vote, run for office, criticize the government, and have freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, demonstration, and religion.
For that matter, the free speech space in Hong Kong disappeared in a flash. As a result, Hong Kong's elections have become a formality.
Freedom and democratic elections are absolutely unacceptable to the one-party dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party, which is a mass of vested interests.
China raises the banner of democracy but feels no resistance to the undemocratic use of force.
This system of governance must be applied to the governed countries when China extends its influence to other countries.
The Fumio Kishida administration must keep this in mind when conducting diplomacy with China.
It must not think that it can protect the nation and its people with naive thinking.
Mr. Xi's ambition is frightening, but is he also afraid of criticism from the international community?
Following the release of "Democracy in China" on the 5th, he released "The State of Democracy in the United States," He slashed democracy in the United States.
It pointed out the evils of U.S. society, such as racism, uneven distribution of wealth, control of the media by significant capital, and freedom of speech in name only.
While China's points are valid to an end, they fail to acknowledge that China has similar problems that are as serious or more serious than those in the U.S.
In the battle of values between the U.S. and China, our country has a heavy responsibility to human society.
First, as the world's third-largest economy, Japan must show the world that it can defend itself on its own and support and cooperate with the United States.
For example, Japan should deploy medium-range missiles manufactured with its own technology, rather than U.S. medium-range missiles, on the first island chain. China considers its primary strategy for seizing Taiwan, the Senkakus, and Okinawa.
Second, we must develop a national vision based on Japanese culture and values, which are different from those of the United States and, of course, the exact opposite of those of China.
It means saying what needs to be told without being outdone by China.
To say what we should say to China without not living up to our position.
For example, U.S. President Biden said on November 18 that he was "considering a diplomatic boycott" of the Beijing Olympics.
The same is true for the U.K. and other European countries.
Our country should be the first to say so.
We have trouble creating an assistant to the prime minister for international human rights affairs and appointing Gen Nakatani, the former defense minister.
The prime minister should instruct Mr. Nakatani to send a clear message.
As soon as Mr. Nakatani assumed the post of assistant minister, he became a man who did not speak out on human rights issues in China, but if he did not speak out, he should be removed.
Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi's silence on the Taiwan issue has also deepened suspicion among the Japanese people and the international community.
China, by contrast, is eager to defend Hayashi.
To begin with, how does China analyze Japanese politicians?
On September 5, the editor-in-chief of the Huanghua Times, an affiliate of the People's Daily, the official newspaper of the Communist Party of China, said, "At best, Japanese politicians are people who are satisfied with verbal attacks on China. They will never have the courage to take aggressive action in security matters," he posted on SNS.
While demonizing Japanese politicians in this way, they also praise Mr. Hayashi.
Regarding Mr. Hayashi's resignation from the Japan-China Parliamentary Friendship League presidency when he became foreign minister, the World Economic Forum published on November 19 an article by Dr. Shigang Tan, director of the Northeast Asia Research Institute at the Heilongjiang Institute of Social Sciences. The report criticized Mr. Hayashi's resignation as president of the Japan-China Parliamentary Union as "an attempt to kill one person and make an example of many others," and called the "Chinese-influenced faction (including Mr. Hayashi) a clear force that can stop conservative thinking in Japan.
It is likely that the "intellectuals," who are not afraid to speak out against China, see this as serving China's national interests above all else.
Now is the time to fight in every sense of the word.
Former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said, "The Taiwan crisis is a Japanese crisis and a crisis for the Japan-U.S. alliance."
"If China invades Taiwan, it will have terrifying consequences for many. The United States is determined to be involved in Taiwan," said U.S. Secretary of State Blinken.
We must send a clear message to China to not misunderstand us.
Judging from the LDP pledges, the prime minister probably intends to move away from a peace orientation based on Kochi-kai's wishful thinking.
If this is the case, he should show it through swift action.
The following is from a regular column by Yoshiko Sakurai that appeared on the front page of today's Sankei Shimbun.
This article also proves that she is a national treasure defined by Saicho, the supreme national treasure.
It is a must-read not only for the Japanese people but also for people worldwide.
The emphasis in the text except for the headline is mine.
Hopeful Peace-Oriented Departure
As the confrontation between the U.S. and China overvalues becomes more apparent, the room for compromise between the two countries is narrowing.
In the November/December issue of Foreign Affairs, John Mearsheimer, a professor at the University of Chicago, warned that after years of the U.S. turning a blind eye to the reality of China, the conflict between the two countries has reached an inevitable point and humanity is on the verge of escalating to nuclear war.
The U.S.-China conflict is that serious.
To prevent a nuclear war, which must never happen, we must look at reality with unprecedented determination and think responsibly.
Mr. Mearsheimer wrote that the only way to avoid the danger of nuclear war is for the United States to deploy a formidable military force in East Asia to deter China.
Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's vague idea of a nuclear-free world will not protect Japan and its neighbors.
So how can we overcome this crisis?
The U.S. has come up with an apparent change in strategy.
One of the phenomena will be the Democracy Summit held on December 9 and 10.
About 110 countries and regions will be invited to a two-day online conference where (1) each country will confirm the reality of its democracy, and (2) a year from now; they will fill in the gaps and take joint action.
The U.S. reiterates that one country alone cannot face the threat of China and that cooperation with allies and countries that share its values is necessary.
It is one practical, albeit unreliable, example.
In its Global Posture Review (GPR), a guideline for deploying U.S. forces, the Biden administration indicated a policy of shifting its center of gravity to the Indo-Pacific region with China in mind but decided not to make a large-scale reallocation of troops.
Again, the U.S.'s modest strategic review has discouraged other countries.
It is time for the entire world to actively cooperate in fending off the Chinese threat while relying on the U.S.
In response to the U.S. democracy summit, China released its "Democracy in China" report on December 4.
Running through the report is a forceful assertion of the legitimacy of Chinese-style democracy as "democracy for the people in all processes."
The 24-page report begins with the self-praise that China had made "outstanding achievements since 2012," when Mr. Xi Jinping became the head of the Communist Party of China.
It is a phrase used as a pillow in almost every document to promote the personal adoration of Mr. Xi.
Xi's absolute dictatorship is far from democratic, but China says it is.
Chinese democracy" means that the people are the masters of the state.
The people have the right to vote, run for office, criticize the government, and have freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, demonstration, and religion.
For that matter, the free speech space in Hong Kong disappeared in a flash. As a result, Hong Kong's elections have become a formality.
Freedom and democratic elections are absolutely unacceptable to the one-party dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party, which is a mass of vested interests.
China raises the banner of democracy but feels no resistance to the undemocratic use of force.
This system of governance must be applied to the governed countries when China extends its influence to other countries.
The Fumio Kishida administration must keep this in mind when conducting diplomacy with China.
It must not think that it can protect the nation and its people with naive thinking.
Mr. Xi's ambition is frightening, but is he also afraid of criticism from the international community?
Following the release of "Democracy in China" on the 5th, he released "The State of Democracy in the United States," He slashed democracy in the United States.
It pointed out the evils of U.S. society, such as racism, uneven distribution of wealth, control of the media by significant capital, and freedom of speech in name only.
While China's points are valid to an end, they fail to acknowledge that China has similar problems that are as serious or more serious than those in the U.S.
In the battle of values between the U.S. and China, our country has a heavy responsibility to human society.
First, as the world's third-largest economy, Japan must show the world that it can defend itself on its own and support and cooperate with the United States.
For example, Japan should deploy medium-range missiles manufactured with its own technology, rather than U.S. medium-range missiles, on the first island chain. China considers its primary strategy for seizing Taiwan, the Senkakus, and Okinawa.
Second, we must develop a national vision based on Japanese culture and values, which are different from those of the United States and, of course, the exact opposite of those of China.
It means saying what needs to be told without being outdone by China.
To say what we should say to China without not living up to our position.
For example, U.S. President Biden said on November 18 that he was "considering a diplomatic boycott" of the Beijing Olympics.
The same is true for the U.K. and other European countries.
Our country should be the first to say so.
We have trouble creating an assistant to the prime minister for international human rights affairs and appointing Gen Nakatani, the former defense minister.
The prime minister should instruct Mr. Nakatani to send a clear message.
As soon as Mr. Nakatani assumed the post of assistant minister, he became a man who did not speak out on human rights issues in China, but if he did not speak out, he should be removed.
Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi's silence on the Taiwan issue has also deepened suspicion among the Japanese people and the international community.
China, by contrast, is eager to defend Hayashi.
To begin with, how does China analyze Japanese politicians?
On September 5, the editor-in-chief of the Huanghua Times, an affiliate of the People's Daily, the official newspaper of the Communist Party of China, said, "At best, Japanese politicians are people who are satisfied with verbal attacks on China. They will never have the courage to take aggressive action in security matters," he posted on SNS.
While demonizing Japanese politicians in this way, they also praise Mr. Hayashi.
Regarding Mr. Hayashi's resignation from the Japan-China Parliamentary Friendship League presidency when he became foreign minister, the World Economic Forum published on November 19 an article by Dr. Shigang Tan, director of the Northeast Asia Research Institute at the Heilongjiang Institute of Social Sciences. The report criticized Mr. Hayashi's resignation as president of the Japan-China Parliamentary Union as "an attempt to kill one person and make an example of many others," and called the "Chinese-influenced faction (including Mr. Hayashi) a clear force that can stop conservative thinking in Japan.
It is likely that the "intellectuals," who are not afraid to speak out against China, see this as serving China's national interests above all else.
Now is the time to fight in every sense of the word.
Former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said, "The Taiwan crisis is a Japanese crisis and a crisis for the Japan-U.S. alliance."
"If China invades Taiwan, it will have terrifying consequences for many. The United States is determined to be involved in Taiwan," said U.S. Secretary of State Blinken.
We must send a clear message to China to not misunderstand us.
Judging from the LDP pledges, the prime minister probably intends to move away from a peace orientation based on Kochi-kai's wishful thinking.
If this is the case, he should show it through swift action.
Følgende er fra en artikkel i dagens Sankei Shimbun med tittelen "Diplomatisk boikott av OL i Beijing, økende 'Total Non-Participation'."
Vekten i teksten er min, bortsett fra overskriften.
forente stater
Den 18. november sa USAs president Biden at han vurderer en "diplomatisk boikott" av vinter-OL i Beijing.
Mye tidligere var det oppfordringer i amerikanske politiske kretser om en diplomatisk boikott for å protestere mot Kinas menneskerettighetsbrudd i Xinjiang og dets nedbryting av demokrater i Hong Kong.
Den republikanske senatoren Romney foreslo en diplomatisk boikott i New York Times 16. mars.
Romney sa: "Av hensyn til idrettsutøverne som har brukt livet på trening, støtter jeg ikke en 'total boikott' som ikke sender et idrettslag, slik tilfellet var i Moskva-OL i 1980," men oppfordret Biden-administrasjonen å invitere "kinesiske dissidenter, religiøse ledere og etniske minoriteter" til USA for å vise sin protest mot menneskerettighetsbrudd.
Mr. Bidens beslutning om å vurdere en diplomatisk boikott, som han inntil nylig har vært forsiktig med, antas å ha vært foranlediget av bekymringer rundt saken til den kvinnelige tennisspilleren Peng Shu. Sistnevntes oppholdssted var midlertidig ukjent etter at hun tilsto å ha blitt tvunget til et seksuelt forhold av den tidligere kinesiske visepremieren Zhang Gaoli.
Adam Taylor, en reporter for Washington Post, påpekte i en elektronisk artikkel 23. november at en diplomatisk boikott "kan virke halvhjertet" for menneskerettighetsgrupper og republikanske hardliner mens Peng Shuai "gjør en bisarr opptreden" i en video som ble lagt ut på Twitter av sjefredaktøren i den People's Daily-tilknyttede avisen People's Daily.
I en opptreden i det konservative Fox News-programmet 22. april spurte Cotton: "Hvis det kinesiske kommunistpartiet skal ta idrettsutøverne deres, få dem til å forsvinne og sette dem inn i en video som viser gisler, hvordan kommer amerikanske idrettsutøvere til å bli behandlet?" Han spør.
Lignende bekymringer har blitt reist i Canada.
Landets statsminister Justin Trudeau ble fortalt i et møte med Mr. Biden at han vurderte en diplomatisk boikott.
Eric Morse, en tidligere kanadisk diplomat som var involvert i boikotten av OL i Moskva, skrev i en artikkel for Globe and Mail 23. april at "Kina vil ta en diplomatisk boikott som en "provokasjon" og gjengjelde uten grenser, " og uttrykte støtte til en total boikott.
Han advarte om at å sende idrettsutøvere til lekene etter en diplomatisk boikott ville være som å "kaste en idrettsutøver i munnen på en krigsulv.
Han påpekte at en halvhjertet diplomatisk boikott kan føre til at Kina, som føler at dets rykte er blitt svekket, tar de kanadiske idrettsutøverne som gisler på en eller annen måte som gjengjeldelse.
(Yusuke Hirata, New York)
