い
い
▽核・ミサイルなど対外政策
--先軍思想を最後まで守ること。国防をずさんにすれば大国の奴隷となる。
--核、長距離ミサイル、生化学武器を絶えず発展させて十分に保有することが、朝鮮半島の平和を維持する道。
--米国との心理的対決で必ず勝つこと。堂々と合法的な核保有国となり、米国の影響力弱めること。
--国際制裁を解いて経済発展のための対外的条件を用意する。6カ国協議をうまく利用すること。
--中国は現在、われわれと最も近いが、今後最も警戒すべき国。
--金氏家門による祖国統一が終局的な目標。
【クアラルンプール=今井孝芳】マレーシアを訪問中の皇太子さまは14日、首都クアラルンプールで国家記念碑に供花された。同碑はマレーシアの独立前後の闘争(1948~60年)で戦死した兵士を慰霊するため66年に建立され、天皇、皇后両陛下も70年と91年に訪れられている。
北朝鮮に関して、私が間違っていれば核戦争になるかもしれないし、中国が魔法のように本気を出して頑張るシナリオだってあるかもしれない。でも多くのもっともらしい観測はそんなに深く悩んだ結果じゃない。人々は騙されたいのかもしれない。でも三浦的にはだましちゃいけないってそういう感じがする。
Advocates Urge Trump to De-escalate with North Korea, Not Ratchet Up Threats & Military Aggression | Democracy Now! via kwout
After the Korean War, in 1958, we installed hundreds of nuclear weapons in the south, the first country to bring nuclear weapons onto the peninsula. And North Korea has, essentially, since the late 1950s, had to find a way to deter the U.S. from using those weapons.
≪今後の半島の可能性を吟味せよ≫
早晩、日本にとっても、「金正恩後の朝鮮半島」を考える局面が来るのではなかろうか。これに関して、米中両国の一部には、米中協調の上で朝鮮半島の「非核化・非金正恩化」を経つつ、朝鮮半島統一を実現させ、その後の朝鮮半島全域を中国の影響下に置くという構想が語られているようである。北朝鮮への対処を主導するのが中国であるという見地に立てば、こうした「米中談合」論はあながち荒唐無稽だともいえまい。
しかしながら、日本としては、朝鮮半島の北半分に関しては「中国の差配に委ねても構わない」と応じることはできるかもしれないけれども、朝鮮半島全域が中国の影響下に置かれる事態は到底、容認できまい。それは、日本の防衛線が「38度線」から「対馬海峡」に後退する事態を意味するからである。そうでなければ、最低限でも、「朝鮮半島全域が中国の影響下に入るのを認める代わりに、尖閣諸島・竹島を含む日本領には一切の脅威を与えない」旨、中国に確約させるかである。こうした一つ一つの「可能性」を吟味する議論こそが、現下の日本には要請されているのではなかろうか
Advocates Urge Trump to De-escalate with North Korea, Not Ratchet Up Threats & Military Aggression | Democracy Now! via kwout
BRUCE CUMINGS:
The fact is that American nuclear intimidation of North Korea goes back to the Korean War. After the Korean War, in 1958, we installed hundreds of nuclear weapons in the south, the first country to bring nuclear weapons onto the peninsula. And North Korea has, essentially, since the late 1950s, had to find a way to deter the U.S. from using those weapons. For decades, they built underground. They have something like 15,000 underground facilities of a national security nature. But it was inevitable that when threatened with nuclear weapons—and Chris is right: President Obama threatened North Korea with nuclear weapons many times by sending B-2 bombers over the south, dropping dummy bombs on islands and so on. It was just inevitable that North Korea would seek a deterrent.
BRUCE CUMINGS:
But I think the crisis that most clearly resembles the one over the weekend, or the one we’re in the middle of now, is in June 1994, when Bill Clinton nearly launched a preemptive strike at the Yongbyon plutonium facility. You may remember that former President Jimmy Carter flew to Pyongyang, had a discussion with Kim Il-sung, and out of that came an 8-year freeze on all of North Korea’s plutonium.
So, an easy way to solve this problem would be to revive direct talks with North Korea, normalize relations with North Korea, assure them that we don’t plan to attack them, and, just through those means, bring down the really terrible tension that existed over the weekend
CHRISTINE HONG:
But I think that there’s a deeper subtext to this, as well. And it goes to the question of THAAD. You know, there isn’t—there’s no way that China and the United States are going to see eye to eye on the controversial deployment of THAAD, which China understands as encroaching upon its sovereignty and enabling the United States to peer, in terms of surveillance, into its territory. Even a CIA official, a former CIA official, Bruce Klingner, who’s a Heritage Foundation North Korea watcher, he basically stated that China regards THAAD as a dagger that’s aimed at the heart of China. And so, you know, basically, what you have is the United States attempting to get China to rein in North Korea, but the fact of the matter is, is if you even look back to the previous administration, the Obama administration, every single weapon sales, every single acceleration of the THAAD missile defense system into the Asia-Pacific, every single amplified and ratcheted-up war game with various different regional allies was justified in the name of a dangerous and unpredictable nuclear North Korea. But China understood full well what was happening, which was the encirclement of China. So North Korea has served as a very convenient ideological ruse for the U.S. military-industrial complex, when the real target is China.
And let’s be honest, the only reason Kim Jong Un hasn’t joined Saddam and Gadhafi in the great hereafter, is because (a)– The North does not sit on an ocean of oil, and (b)– The North has the capacity to reduce Seoul, Okinawa and Tokyo into smoldering debris-fields. Absent Kim’s WMDs, Pyongyang would have faced a preemptive attack long ago and Kim would have faced a fate similar to Gadhafi’s. Nuclear weapons are the only known antidote to US adventurism.
Here’s a short refresher that helps clarify why the North is still wary of the US more than 60 years after the armistice was signed
The United States killed over 2 million people in a country that posed no threat to US national security. Like Vietnam, the Korean War was just another muscle-flexing exercise the US periodically engages in whenever it gets bored or needs some far-flung location to try out its new weapons systems. The US had nothing to gain in its aggression on the Korean peninsula
Repeat: “Reservoirs, irrigation dams, rice crops, hydroelectric dams, population centers” all napalmed, all carpet bombed, all razed to the ground. Nothing was spared. If it moved it was shot, if it didn’t move, it was bombed. The US couldn’t win, so they turned the country into an uninhabitable wastelands. “Let them starve. Let them freeze.. Let them eat weeds and roots and rodents to survive. Let them sleep in the ditches and find shelter in the rubble. What do we care? We’re the greatest country on earth. God bless America.”
This is how Washington does business, and it hasn’t changed since the Seventh Cavalry wiped out 150 men, women and children at Wounded Knee more than century ago
The savagery of America’s war against the North left an indelible mark on the psyche of the people. Whatever the cost, the North cannot allow a similar scenario to take place in the future. Whatever the cost, they must be prepared to defend themselves. If that means nukes, then so be it. Self preservation is the top priority.
Is there a way to end this pointless standoff between Pyongyang and Washington, a way to mend fences and build trust?
Of course there is. The US just needs to start treating the DPRK with respect and follow through on their promises. What promises?
The promise to built the North two light-water reactors to provide heat and light to their people in exchange for an end to its nuclear weapons program.
You won’t read about this deal in the media because the media is just the propaganda wing of the Pentagon. They have no interest in promoting peaceful solutions. Their stock-in-trade is war, war and more war.
The North wants the US to honor its obligations under the 1994 Agreed Framework. That’s it
The media is just the propaganda wing of the Pentagon
But here’s a real, less obvious test of whether China is serious about working with the new American president to hem in North Korea: Will China stop resisting the installation of a new missile-defense system in South Korea?
The key to Thaad is its sophisticated radar system for spotting and tracking missiles once launched. That capability, the Chinese fear, could be useful to American troops in any military confrontation with China by helping the U.S. follow and neutralize Beijing’s missiles. Given that Chinese strategic thinkers consider issues not just months or years but decades down the road, their concern isn’t a surprise.
1)中国は本気になる理由が薄弱ーーー北の核兵器が中国に向かう可能性は少ない
2)仮に本気になっても、北朝鮮のICBM核兵器廃棄させるためのうまい駒がないーー圧力かけすぎると、朝鮮の民が困るだけか、なおかつ、政権崩壊して、中国も面倒
His many outbursts against the United States, in fact, look genuine, rooted in a century of Philippine nationalism and mistrust. Duterte was schooled in anti-Americanism from an early age. His grandmother, a Muslim, taught him that the United States was guilty of grave crimes during its colonization of the Philippines. To this day, he refers to the 1906 massacre of the Muslim Moros and believes Washington has not atoned for this particular instance of brutality or, more generally, the torture of Filipinos and the subjugation of his country. To make matters worse, Duterte then learned politics in university in the 1960s from Jose Maria Sison, the founder of the Communist Party of the Philippines. The president now proudly calls himself a leftist.
All these factors mean that America, in Duterte’s eyes, can never do anything right.
The United States does not take sides on the many South China Sea territorial disputes—China’s claims also conflict with those of Taiwan, Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia and Vietnam—but Washington does insist on peaceful resolution. Beijing’s actions, however, have been anything but peaceful. For instance, it seized Mischief Reef in a series of acts beginning in 1994. The feature is far closer to the Philippines than other claimants—Hanoi and Taipei as well as Beijing—but Washington did nothing to reverse the Chinese action
And as a “senior U.S. military official” told the Washington Post in 2012,
I don’t think that we’d allow the U.S. to get dragged into a conflict over fish or over a rock. Having allies that we have defense treaties with, not allowing them to drag us into a situation over a rock dispute, is something I think we’re pretty all well-aligned on.
In short, the United States did nothing to hold China accountable for its deception
The Chinese knew the United States had remained idle when they grabbed the much-closer Scarborough, even though they had brazenly repudiated the agreement Washington had brokered with themselves and Manila.
Washington’s abandonment of Manila was especially evident when an arbitral panel in The Hague handed down its landmark decision in Philippines v. China last July, invalidating the nine-dash line and ruling against China on almost all its positions.
Secretary of State John Kerry did say China should accept the award, but he spoke without seriousness. He did not pressure Beijing to honor its obligation to accept the ruling, but instead leaned on Manila to bargain with China, backing the Chinese position on starting talks. Kerry’s posture was indefensible.
Duterte, among others, has noticed Washington’s reluctance to protect his beleaguered country. “America did nothing,” he said in October 2015, referring to China’s reclamation activity
Duterte’s close friend and cabinet-level peace adviser, describing the president’s views. “The idea is that our allies are not going to go to war for us, so why should we align with them?”
米国が北朝鮮の核実験とICBMをレッドラインと見なすとすれば、日本にとって核兵器の小型化と中距離ミサイルの実戦配備は既にレッドラインを超えているのだ。「米国第一主義」がこうした軍事オプションの機微に際する部分でも発揮され、同盟国とのギャップが拡大することが次の段階の懸念となる。