Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's literary remains
It cannot defend Japan without "strike power."
The Self-Defense Forces Face Challenges in Succession Capabilities
The invasion of Ukraine by Russia has drastically changed the global security environment.
The invasion of independent Ukraine is a clear violation of international law and must not be tolerated.
Ukraine has not taken a step backward against Russia, a power (international relations).
The situation has become protracted due to Ukraine's determination to "defend the homeland" and the Western European countries' massive arms support and economic sanctions against Russia.
Could Russian President Vladimir Putin have foreseen that a coalition of willing nations from Japan, the United States, and Europe, all of which share fundamental values such as freedom, democracy, and the rule of law, would unite in support of Ukraine?
Russia's invasion of Ukraine has demonstrated that it is tough for a single country to protect its territory and the lives and property of its people.
This invasion directly affects the security issues of Japan and the rest of Asia.
At the Japan-U.S. summit meeting in Tokyo in May, Prime Minister Kishida announced to President Hyten that Japan would "fundamentally strengthen its defense capabilities," and the subsequent policy of "fundamentally strengthen defense capabilities within five years" was included in the policy.
It was also noted that "North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member countries aim to achieve a ratio of 2% or more of their gross domestic product (GDP). The defense budget is a statement of national will and an expression of the nation's commitment to the defense of the world.
Defense budgets are an expression of national will.
The GDP ratio is because each country will fulfill its "responsibility" in line with its economic strength, which will deepen the alliance's cooperation.
The defense budget of 5.4 trillion yen for FY2022 includes:
- Two trillion yen for personnel.
- One trillion yen for repair and maintenance of weapons.
- Five hundred billion yen for base measures.
- Eight hundred billion yen for the purchase of equipment and other items.
It will fund the purchase of weapons such as tanks, fighter jets, and destroyers from this 800 billion yen.
It is clear that the equipment is inadequate, and only 160 billion yen is spent on research.
The situation in Ukraine has become protracted, but Japan's ability to continue the war has also been challenged.
In other words, Japan's stockpile of ammunition, fuel, and other resources is inadequate.
Furthermore, modern warfare has extended into the realm of cyber and space, which requires a drastic increase in research and development expenditures.
The Importance of Collective Security
Another urgent issue is the retention of striking power.
Before stepping down as prime minister in September 2020, I announced my policy that Japan should maintain a strike capability to attack other countries in an emergency.
If Japan were to be attacked by missiles, would the ability to intercept those missiles be enough?
In the event of an actual attack, or if such a situation is predicted to occur, Japan should be prepared to intercept the missiles and have the striking capability to attack the other country.
Of course, in the event of a Japanese contingency, Japan and the U.S. would jointly deal with the situation under the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. Still, if the U.S. were to be the sole provider of strike capability, it raised the question of whether the alliance relationship could function.
Subsequently, the government and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) began to develop the expression "counterattack capability," which is essentially nothing more than striking power and the necessity for such a capability.
Undoubtedly, it will further enhance Japan's deterrence capability by having the ability to strike.
The invasion of Ukraine has brought the importance of collective security and nuclear issues into sharp focus.
Ukraine applied to join NATO in 2008, but this did not happen due to opposition from Germany and other countries.
If Ukraine had joined the collective security circle, it would not have been invaded by Russia.
The Baltic countries bordering Russia, such as Latvia, were not invaded because they are members of NATO.
I question some opposition parties and leftist journalists!
The second Abe administration enacted the Peace and Security Law, which allowed for the partial exercise of the right of collective self-defense.
At the time, some opposition parties and left-wing journalists criticized it, saying that if they exercised the right of collective self-defense, they would be drawn into war.
I want to ask them what they are advocating now in the face of the current situation in Ukraine.
Russian President Vladimir Putin also mentioned the possibility of using tactical nuclear weapons.
If even tactical nuclear weapons are used, many lives will be lost.
When retaliation is made, many lives will also be lost.
In this context, the U.S. chose the nuclear sharing method of "NATO nuclear weapons" to determine whether or not the U.S. would retaliate.
Germany and five other nations would place U.S. nuclear weapons on their soil and use them under the NATO agreement.
When they use them, they will be executed by their air forces.
It is why it is called "dual-key.
This method maintains deterrence.
On the other hand, Japan maintains its own security under the U.S. nuclear umbrella in the form of extended deterrence.
In the future, Japan and the U.S. must hold extended deterrence talks at a high level to increase the certainty of the U.S.-Japan relationship and strengthen deterrence against other countries.
(Reprinted from "Identity" No. 117)
The First Manuscript from Prime Minister Abe
Koichi Kuzume (Editor-in-Chief of Identity)
I received this manuscript from Prime Minister Abe on June 15.
Prime Minister Abe would not have had time to write the manuscript after June 22, when activities for the Upper House election began.
This manuscript must have been his last draft in the true sense of the word.
The Kishida administration has stated that it will achieve 2% of GDP for defense spending within five years, but Japan will not be able to survive if it continues to talk about such a long time.
I was so concerned that I wrote to Prime Minister Abe and asked him to write a manuscript on national defense.
The letter's content conveyed Prime Minister Abe's sense of crisis; I strongly felt that Japan still needs Prime Minister Abe.
The connection between our newspaper and Prime Minister Abe began in February 2008, when Mr. Keisuke Senju, a member of the Akashi City Council, contributed an article to our newspaper titled "Concern about the Formality of Abe's Policies.
At the time, an avid reader of the paper was hosting the article in the Diet members' building, and his contribution caught the attention of Prime Minister Abe.
Prime Minister Abe later called Senju and said, "Thank you for writing such a good article and come visit our office sometime."
Mr. Senju told me that Prime Minister Abe had become a reader of our newspaper, and later that day, I asked him through his office to write a manuscript about the Constitution.
I have fond memories of the first manuscript we published on Prime Minister Abe.
The manuscript I received had the word "constitutional revision" written in it, and I asked him through his secretary, "Our advocacy is the establishment of an independent constitution. So I asked him to change it to "Independent Constitution.
The secretary was troubled, but Prime Minister Abe gladly agreed to our request.
Now that I think about it, I did something awe-inspiring.
However, Prime Minister Abe was kind enough to respond to a mini-comic paper like ours, which does not have manuscript fees.
I bow down to his "attentiveness."
I have never met Prime Minister Abe, and I wanted to thank him in person, but in the end, I could not do so.
I want to take this opportunity to thank you.
Thank you very much, Prime Minister Abe.
