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文明のターンテーブルThe Turntable of Civilization

日本の時間、世界の時間。
The time of Japan, the time of the world

The reason why the Chinese resort to "revivalism" is because they lack ideals.

2025年07月17日 14時16分20秒 | 全般

2020/8/3

The following is from Yoshiko Sakurai's regular column published in today's Sankei Shimbun, titled "Respond to the Love of Lee Teng-hui."

Yoshiko Sakurai is truly a "national treasure" as defined by the Buddhist monk Saichō. Former Taiwanese President Lee Teng-hui consistently expressed heartfelt affection toward Japan and deep compassion for the Japanese people. When meeting others, he would warmly envelop their hands in his large palms and speak with the vibrant voice of a young man.

When he began discussing his humanism and philosophy rooted in the great works he devoured in his youth—such as Kitaro Nishida's "An Inquiry into the Good" and the writings of Uchimura Kanzō and Nitobe Inazō—time seemed to slip away. When speaking about the difficult issues Taiwan faced with China, his wife Tseng Wen-hui, who would quietly listen by his side, once said:

"Taiwanese people experienced truly horrific events such as the February 28 Incident. What pains me is that many Taiwanese were never even taught the truth of their own history."

That is precisely why Lee Teng-hui broke away from the Kuomintang framework and stood up to China as a Taiwanese president. His resolute stance was supported by ideals of human society as envisioned by pioneers like Nishida.

Often stating, "I was Japanese until the age of 22," Lee Teng-hui poured a warm, almost unbelievable amount of affection toward Japan as a foreign head of state. However, postwar Japan sometimes disappointed Taiwan. One prime example was when Japan severed diplomatic ties with Taiwan in the wake of Nixon's surprise visit to China—even as the U.S. enacted the Taiwan Relations Act.

Lee Teng-hui recalled: "Many Americans strongly believed that Taiwan must not be abandoned; it was a matter of geopolitics. (...) The American mindset was relatively clear." On the other hand, "Japan could not think in the same way as the U.S.," and "Regrettably, Japanese politicians lacked the spirit of bushidō." (*From "Lee Teng-hui: A True Record," supervised by Mineo Nakajima, published by Sankei Shimbun Publishing.)

Even today, in light of current Japan-U.S.-Taiwan-China relations, Lee Teng-hui's words hold significant weight. Unless we understand the essence of Chinese political thinking and prioritize national interest over self-interest, no country will survive the post-COVID, rapidly changing world. All the more so for Japan, which still has not amended its Constitution and lags behind militarily.

Lee Teng-hui was handpicked by President Chiang Ching-kuo and served as vice president for three years and eight months from 1984, during which he closely observed Chinese governance philosophy and methods. He witnessed both the extraordinary capabilities and the dangerous aspects of the Chinese people. His warnings, born of these rare experiences, are razor-sharp.

When Lee declared in 1999 that Taiwan and China had a "state-to-state relationship," U.S. Democratic Senator Dianne Feinstein was one of the first to criticize him. Her husband had business interests in Shanghai. Lee retorted: "Americans cannot defeat the Chinese. You still don’t understand what politics really is. By the time you begin to engage in politics, the Chinese will have already become immortals." This is a warning Japan’s profit-driven business community should take to heart.

Lee explained that the Chinese Communist regime has methods to completely suppress any opposition. China always reverts to its original position after taking a few steps forward. He said, "They are always steeped in the brine of their culture and keep returning to that jar, believing it’s the only way to survive." (*From "Lee Teng-hui: A True Record," supervised by Mineo Nakajima, published by Sankei Shimbun Publishing.) This remark inevitably brings to mind President Xi Jinping, who dreams of becoming a second Mao Zedong.

Lee emphasized that the Chinese resort to "restoration" because they lack ideals—and that is why they do not progress. They lack the ideals of nation-building based on universal human values and the construction of a democratic system that prioritizes the happiness of all people.

There is a fascinating debate between Lee Teng-hui and Singapore’s former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, whom world figures like Henry Kissinger regarded as the foremost authority on understanding China. On how to approach China, Lee Kuan Yew argued that Taiwan should prioritize nationalism. Lee Teng-hui countered that "democracy" and "alignment with the United States" were more important. American political scientist Samuel Huntington observed: "Lee Kuan Yew’s nationalism will vanish with his death, but Lee Teng-hui’s democracy will endure as Taiwan’s democracy even after his passing." That insight has proven accurate. Taiwan’s democracy now stands before our eyes in full bloom.

President Tsai Ing-wen and the Democratic Progressive Party administration are faithfully carrying on Lee Teng-hui’s aspirations. They are steadily advancing Taiwan as a democracy rooted in the rule of law, in cooperation between government and citizens, and as a Taiwan led by Taiwanese people. That foundation was undeniably laid by Lee Teng-hui.

When I visited him at his home in 2015, he said in his usual cheerful tone: "Japan should have more confidence." He encouraged Japan to boldly express its views and show the power of democracy to both the Chinese government and the Chinese people.

On issues like Hong Kong and the South China Sea, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe voiced clear protest on behalf of the government. But Japan must go further. It is the role of the National Diet to gather the voice of the people and express a clear political stance. That means the Liberal Democratic Party and other political parties must debate, protest, and pass resolutions in parliament.

It is well known that opposition parties such as the Constitutional Democratic Party are doing exactly the opposite of Sakurai’s reasonable proposal as a responsible Japanese citizen. Even now, amid crises like the Wuhan virus and the threat to the Senkaku Islands, they are seeking to summon Prime Minister Abe to the Diet for the sole purpose of attacking him. Those who fail to criticize such outrageous behavior—including those who control NHK's news division, commercial broadcasters’ editorial staff, and talk show producers—are, without exaggeration, all under China’s influence—no, they are Chinese agents.

U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s July statement signaled the deepening battle between U.S. and Chinese values. It is a choice between democracy and autocracy—exactly the vision Lee Teng-hui espoused.

Japan, which left behind the spirit of ethics, humanity, and rule of law in Taiwan, must now raise that same flag of shared values. It is time for Japan to stand firm for the sake of Taiwan and all of Asia.

When that time comes, we must ask ourselves: Can we show true resolve and push for constitutional reform? Can we substantially strengthen Japan-Taiwan cooperation? Can we speak up on behalf of Asia, in pursuit of democracy?

It is precisely such a posture that would be the truest response to Lee Teng-hui’s overflowing love for Japan.


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