I found a paper the other day when I was searching for something.
This paper and its author were utterly new to me.
I was relieved to learn that the paper was excellent and that the author was a graduate of the University of Tokyo's Faculty of Economics and an active member of Itochu Corporation.
After I entered the workforce, I met two of my best friends for the rest of my life.
Both were employees of ITOCHU Corporation.
They were both highly talented businessmen and held important positions in the company.
The company's name has appeared in the discourse recently, along with Uichiro Niwa's pro-China statements.
I had feelings of intense embarrassment.
Through my association with them, I felt that the strength of a trading company lies in the fact that every employee is, so to speak, a manager of a small or medium-sized company.
They are fantastic at analyzing their clients' balance sheets and grasping the company's state.
Or the ability to look at a significant construction estimate, instantly check every detail, and judge the appropriateness of the price, something that would make even Japan's leading general contractors shudder with fear.
The strength of Japan lies in the combination of intelligence, physical strength, and energy.
ITOCHU Corporation's corporate message, "One Merchant, Myriad Missions," is displayed on the back net of Jingu Stadium, the Yakult baseball team's home field, and every time I see it, I think it is exactly right.
What is the author's biography, Takehiko Aoyagi, at the beginning of this article?
（Professor of International University of Japan, Doctor of Philosophy.
He was born in Kiryu City, Gunma Prefecture, in 1934. He was graduated from Kiryu Senior High School.
Graduated from the University of Tokyo, Faculty of Economics in 1958 and joined ITOCHU Corporation.
He served as General Manager of the Sydney Foods Department, General Manager of the Agricultural Foods Department at the head office, and Director of ITOCHU System Development Corporation, among other positions.
From 1985 to 1997, he served as president and Chairman of Nippon Telematic Corporation, a 50-50 joint venture between ITOCHU Corporation and NTT Corporation.
From 1995 to 2006, he served as Vice President and Professor at GLOBECOM, International University of Japan, and from 2006 to 2016, he was Visiting Professor at GLOBECOM.
His research areas include economics, business administration, finance, sociology of information, law, international politics, and security theory, and he is a self-proclaimed generalist in the social sciences.
He is the author of "Videotex Strategy" (Information Science), "Cyber Surveillance Society" (Telecommunications Advancement Association), "Personal Information "Over" Protection Will Destroy Japan" (Softbank Shinsho), "Privacy Research in the Information Age" (NTT Publishing), " Roosevelt Betrayed the American People and Dragged Japan into War", "The History of Japan Twisted by America to Mentally Disarm the Japanese" (Heart Publishing), and many others.
Mr. Aoyagi stumbled upon a paper that won the APA Group's 7th Annual "True Modern History" Essay Prize for Excellence.
It is a must-read paper not only for the Japanese people but for people worldwide.
Countless passages perfectly describe the brain structure of Arima and the NHK employees who control NHK/Watch9, which I found unforgivable the other night.
This paper and its author were utterly new to me.
I was relieved to learn that the paper was excellent and that the author was a graduate of the University of Tokyo's Faculty of Economics and an active member of Itochu Corporation.
After I entered the workforce, I met two of my best friends for the rest of my life.
Both were employees of ITOCHU Corporation.
They were both highly talented businessmen and held important positions in the company.
The company's name has appeared in the discourse recently, along with Uichiro Niwa's pro-China statements.
I had feelings of intense embarrassment.
Through my association with them, I felt that the strength of a trading company lies in the fact that every employee is, so to speak, a manager of a small or medium-sized company.
They are fantastic at analyzing their clients' balance sheets and grasping the company's state.
Or the ability to look at a significant construction estimate, instantly check every detail, and judge the appropriateness of the price, something that would make even Japan's leading general contractors shudder with fear.
The strength of Japan lies in the combination of intelligence, physical strength, and energy.
ITOCHU Corporation's corporate message, "One Merchant, Myriad Missions," is displayed on the back net of Jingu Stadium, the Yakult baseball team's home field, and every time I see it, I think it is exactly right.
What is the author's biography, Takehiko Aoyagi, at the beginning of this article?
（Professor of International University of Japan, Doctor of Philosophy.
He was born in Kiryu City, Gunma Prefecture, in 1934. He was graduated from Kiryu Senior High School.
Graduated from the University of Tokyo, Faculty of Economics in 1958 and joined ITOCHU Corporation.
He served as General Manager of the Sydney Foods Department, General Manager of the Agricultural Foods Department at the head office, and Director of ITOCHU System Development Corporation, among other positions.
From 1985 to 1997, he served as president and Chairman of Nippon Telematic Corporation, a 50-50 joint venture between ITOCHU Corporation and NTT Corporation.
From 1995 to 2006, he served as Vice President and Professor at GLOBECOM, International University of Japan, and from 2006 to 2016, he was Visiting Professor at GLOBECOM.
His research areas include economics, business administration, finance, sociology of information, law, international politics, and security theory, and he is a self-proclaimed generalist in the social sciences.
He is the author of "Videotex Strategy" (Information Science), "Cyber Surveillance Society" (Telecommunications Advancement Association), "Personal Information "Over" Protection Will Destroy Japan" (Softbank Shinsho), "Privacy Research in the Information Age" (NTT Publishing), " Roosevelt Betrayed the American People and Dragged Japan into War", "The History of Japan Twisted by America to Mentally Disarm the Japanese" (Heart Publishing), and many others.
Mr. Aoyagi stumbled upon a paper that won the APA Group's 7th Annual "True Modern History" Essay Prize for Excellence.
It is a must-read paper not only for the Japanese people but for people worldwide.
Countless passages perfectly describe the brain structure of Arima and the NHK employees who control NHK/Watch9, which I found unforgivable the other night.
Why did the Japanese people fall prey to WGIP so easily?
First, the WGIP was so well concealed and secretly implemented that the Japanese did not even know of the existence of the brainwashing program.
Since the U.S. introduced the idea of democracy on a large scale, it took a central position in Japan's postwar ideology and educational philosophy.
The Japanese people had never dreamed that GHQ, the principal body of the system, was denying "freedom of speech" and promoting brainwashing.
Second, much of what GHQ propagated was classified as wartime secrets.
Since all military history had been destroyed, the Japanese people had no way of verifying the truth of what was said.
Therefore, the Japanese people believed without any doubt that the militarists lied and deceived the public.
Third, almost all academics whom the Japanese trust have uncritically and readily accepted the historical view of the Tokyo Trials and have actively promoted it by publishing articles and books that have amplified the confusion.
In particular, all leading historians supported the Tokyo Trial Historicism and published a series of research results that cast all of Japan's history in a negative light.
Many of the students these scholars taught became teachers and taught their children the masochistic view of history.
Thus, the historical view of the Tokyo Trials was imprinted on the younger generation one after another through historical education.
In one of his books, Keiji Nagahara, professor emeritus at Hitotsubashi University and Chairman of the Historical Society, even states, "The Tokyo Trials taught Japanese historiography the correct view of history.
The reality is that, with a few exceptions, the historical academy is still entrenched in its support for the Tokyo Tribunal's view of history.
The only people who claim to have a proper understanding of history are scholars who have no connection to the historical community.
Among them are critic and English scholar Shoichi Watabe, Western economic historian Fumio Huang, German literature scholar Kanji Nishio, philosopher Michiko Hasegawa, English literature scholar Yutaka Nakamura, journalist Yoshiko Sakurai, former Air Self-Defense Force officer Tadato Ushio, German literature and comparative literature scholar Keiichiro Kobori, European diplomatic history and international politics scholar Terumasa Nakanishi, mathematician and essayist Masahiko Fujiwara, and Japanese history scholar and historian essayist Masahiko Fujiwara, to name a few.
All of them are engaged in wide-ranging intellectual activities that extend beyond their titles.
The same is true in the legal community.
The substance of the Tokyo Trials was an illegal lynching by the victorious powers, and even the Allies were unsure of its validity.
However, Kisaburo Yokota, a professor of international law at the Faculty of Law of Tokyo Imperial University, was regarded as one of the world's leading authorities on international law, surprisingly argued that the Tokyo Trials were legitimate.
In his book "War Crimes," he uncritically accepted the historical view of the Tokyo Trials. He stated, "There is no doubt that there is an intense desire among almost all nations to regard the war of aggression as an international crime."
Many other legal scholars followed suit like an avalanche then, so the WGIP's power was tremendous.
First, the WGIP was so well concealed and secretly implemented that the Japanese did not even know of the existence of the brainwashing program.
Since the U.S. introduced the idea of democracy on a large scale, it took a central position in Japan's postwar ideology and educational philosophy.
The Japanese people had never dreamed that GHQ, the principal body of the system, was denying "freedom of speech" and promoting brainwashing.
Second, much of what GHQ propagated was classified as wartime secrets.
Since all military history had been destroyed, the Japanese people had no way of verifying the truth of what was said.
Therefore, the Japanese people believed without any doubt that the militarists lied and deceived the public.
Third, almost all academics whom the Japanese trust have uncritically and readily accepted the historical view of the Tokyo Trials and have actively promoted it by publishing articles and books that have amplified the confusion.
In particular, all leading historians supported the Tokyo Trial Historicism and published a series of research results that cast all of Japan's history in a negative light.
Many of the students these scholars taught became teachers and taught their children the masochistic view of history.
Thus, the historical view of the Tokyo Trials was imprinted on the younger generation one after another through historical education.
In one of his books, Keiji Nagahara, professor emeritus at Hitotsubashi University and Chairman of the Historical Society, even states, "The Tokyo Trials taught Japanese historiography the correct view of history.
The reality is that, with a few exceptions, the historical academy is still entrenched in its support for the Tokyo Tribunal's view of history.
The only people who claim to have a proper understanding of history are scholars who have no connection to the historical community.
Among them are critic and English scholar Shoichi Watabe, Western economic historian Fumio Huang, German literature scholar Kanji Nishio, philosopher Michiko Hasegawa, English literature scholar Yutaka Nakamura, journalist Yoshiko Sakurai, former Air Self-Defense Force officer Tadato Ushio, German literature and comparative literature scholar Keiichiro Kobori, European diplomatic history and international politics scholar Terumasa Nakanishi, mathematician and essayist Masahiko Fujiwara, and Japanese history scholar and historian essayist Masahiko Fujiwara, to name a few.
All of them are engaged in wide-ranging intellectual activities that extend beyond their titles.
The same is true in the legal community.
The substance of the Tokyo Trials was an illegal lynching by the victorious powers, and even the Allies were unsure of its validity.
However, Kisaburo Yokota, a professor of international law at the Faculty of Law of Tokyo Imperial University, was regarded as one of the world's leading authorities on international law, surprisingly argued that the Tokyo Trials were legitimate.
In his book "War Crimes," he uncritically accepted the historical view of the Tokyo Trials. He stated, "There is no doubt that there is an intense desire among almost all nations to regard the war of aggression as an international crime."
Many other legal scholars followed suit like an avalanche then, so the WGIP's power was tremendous.
Chapter 2: How was the masochistic view of history demonstrated?
Keiji Nagahara, Historiography of 20th Century Japan, 2003, Yoshida Kobunkan
Theory of War Crimes," by Kisaburo Yokota, 1947, Yuhikaku, p. 98.
The government should assert that neither the comfort women issue nor the Nanking Massacre "never happened.
Many arguments accuse Japan of a forcible rendition of comfort women, but there is no such evidence, so there must have been such a rendition.
The idea that 'there is no evidence that it did not exist, so it must have existed' is called an 'argument from ignorance' in logic and is completely wrong.
Logically speaking, it is undoubtedly tough to prove that something did not exist, known as "Probatio Diabolica" ( Devil's Proof).
To prove that it didn't exist, one must thoroughly examine everything in the universe, which is impossible.
However, using reductio absurdum, if you can prove the premise that both A and B can't exist simultaneously, then you can prove that "B does not exist" by demonstrating that "A exists."
Some say this is not proof because it is indirect but soundproof based on orthodox logic.
The Japanese government should not unconfidently say things like, "We could not confirm the fact that comfort women were forcibly taken." Still, it should clearly and categorically state that "the allegations are baseless."
This article continues.
Keiji Nagahara, Historiography of 20th Century Japan, 2003, Yoshida Kobunkan
Theory of War Crimes," by Kisaburo Yokota, 1947, Yuhikaku, p. 98.
The government should assert that neither the comfort women issue nor the Nanking Massacre "never happened.
Many arguments accuse Japan of a forcible rendition of comfort women, but there is no such evidence, so there must have been such a rendition.
The idea that 'there is no evidence that it did not exist, so it must have existed' is called an 'argument from ignorance' in logic and is completely wrong.
Logically speaking, it is undoubtedly tough to prove that something did not exist, known as "Probatio Diabolica" ( Devil's Proof).
To prove that it didn't exist, one must thoroughly examine everything in the universe, which is impossible.
However, using reductio absurdum, if you can prove the premise that both A and B can't exist simultaneously, then you can prove that "B does not exist" by demonstrating that "A exists."
Some say this is not proof because it is indirect but soundproof based on orthodox logic.
The Japanese government should not unconfidently say things like, "We could not confirm the fact that comfort women were forcibly taken." Still, it should clearly and categorically state that "the allegations are baseless."
This article continues.
Due to time constraints, I will skip the chapter before this one today but will post it later.
Comfort women issue
The comfort women issue is a complete fabrication.
Even Korean textbooks before 1996 do not mention it.
It is no exaggeration to say that it all started with misreporting and fabrication by the Asahi Shimbun.
The Asahi Shimbun finally admitted its mistake in its August 5, 2014 edition and retracted the article.
The newspaper also admitted that Yoshida Seiji's testimony that "comfort women were forcibly taken away," which it had covered 16 times, was false.
However, it never apologized and continued to make excuses.
It is unforgivable that they have continued to display a masochistic view of history for the past 35 years without making any corrections.
Chuo University professor Yoshimi Yoshiaki claimed to have discovered documents showing the military's involvement, and the Asahi Shimbun widely reported this as a "major discovery."
However, in reality, the military was involved in fulfilling its social responsibilities:
To protect local women.
To resolve the sexual issues of soldiers.
To prevent the spread of sexually transmitted diseases.
It is definitely not a document that indicates forced abductions.
At the time the Kono Statement was announced, no evidence of forced abductions by the military was found in the investigation.
However, the Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs made a strong request, saying, "This is an issue that concerns the honor of the former comfort women, so we want you to include words that suggest coercion. If you do so, we will ensure that there will be no future issues with compensation or anything else."
To achieve this, the Japanese government showed the draft to the Korean side in advance and adjusted the wording, creating a statement that could only be read as if the military had forcibly abducted the comfort women.
The government had intended to settle the issue politically in one fell swoop with a "gentle, mature response," but it completely backfired.
Later, Rep. Mike Honda, who proposed the resolution demanding an apology in the U.S. House of Representatives, was asked on Japanese television about the basis for forced abductions, but he replied, "The statement has been made in the form of the Kono Statement. Why did the Japanese Prime Minister apologize sincerely?"
If things continue this way, the Kono Statement will continue to be an insult to Japan forever.
The statement has been quoted and is taking on a life of its own.
This article continues.
Comfort women issue
The comfort women issue is a complete fabrication.
Even Korean textbooks before 1996 do not mention it.
It is no exaggeration to say that it all started with misreporting and fabrication by the Asahi Shimbun.
The Asahi Shimbun finally admitted its mistake in its August 5, 2014 edition and retracted the article.
The newspaper also admitted that Yoshida Seiji's testimony that "comfort women were forcibly taken away," which it had covered 16 times, was false.
However, it never apologized and continued to make excuses.
It is unforgivable that they have continued to display a masochistic view of history for the past 35 years without making any corrections.
Chuo University professor Yoshimi Yoshiaki claimed to have discovered documents showing the military's involvement, and the Asahi Shimbun widely reported this as a "major discovery."
However, in reality, the military was involved in fulfilling its social responsibilities:
To protect local women.
To resolve the sexual issues of soldiers.
To prevent the spread of sexually transmitted diseases.
It is definitely not a document that indicates forced abductions.
At the time the Kono Statement was announced, no evidence of forced abductions by the military was found in the investigation.
However, the Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs made a strong request, saying, "This is an issue that concerns the honor of the former comfort women, so we want you to include words that suggest coercion. If you do so, we will ensure that there will be no future issues with compensation or anything else."
To achieve this, the Japanese government showed the draft to the Korean side in advance and adjusted the wording, creating a statement that could only be read as if the military had forcibly abducted the comfort women.
The government had intended to settle the issue politically in one fell swoop with a "gentle, mature response," but it completely backfired.
Later, Rep. Mike Honda, who proposed the resolution demanding an apology in the U.S. House of Representatives, was asked on Japanese television about the basis for forced abductions, but he replied, "The statement has been made in the form of the Kono Statement. Why did the Japanese Prime Minister apologize sincerely?"
If things continue this way, the Kono Statement will continue to be an insult to Japan forever.
The statement has been quoted and is taking on a life of its own.
This article continues.
2024/6/29 in Osaka
