The following is from a book that a friend, one of the best readers, recommended I subscribe to as a "must-read," The People Who Really Move the Post-Trump World That the Japanese Don't Know.
It is a must-read for the Japanese people and people worldwide.
The author's biography is as follows.
He was born in Tokyo in 1949 and graduated from Hitotsubashi University, Graduate School of Economics. D. in history and economics from Johns Hopkins University. After working as an assistant professor at the State University of New York at Buffalo, he returned to Japan. He worked as an analyst in construction, housing, and real estate at foreign securities firms such as HSBC Securities and JP Morgan before turning his attention to writing. He is an economic analyst and civilization critic.
The emphasis in the text, except in the headline, is mine.
Chapter 1: Trump is Don Quixote Challenging the Two Pillars of the U.S. Economy
The defeated general speaks of withdrawing troops after all this time
Despite the scathing reviews by the major media, I thought "loser" Donald Trump's withdrawal was admirable.
Until the announcement of his final show of mettle as president, the face of the 2020 Christmas pardon.
Trump managed to focus his limited time on the two things he wanted to do when he became president instead of getting bogged down in the futile effort to expose the massive vote-rigging and vote-counting fraud and take it to the U.S. Supreme Court.
He even hoped that, although it would be impossible to do right now, what he tried to do at the end of his term would be enough for future generations of Americans to recognize Trump as a great president.
What were the two things Trump wanted to do most as president?
One is the withdrawal of U.S. troops from the Middle East, Afghanistan, and, if possible, from non-U.S. countries worldwide.
At the end of this chapter, I will add that serious questions have arisen on this point.
The second is to tighten the grip as effectively as possible and make the Chinese Communist Party's one-party rule a starving strategy.
He undertook both of these efforts with great earnestness after only about two months remained in his term so that he would leave the White House with no measurable effect.
Trump was a real estate entrepreneur who took over his father's business and made it big and a television personality who became famous for his outspoken mannerisms.
Real estate and television must have been a world with a large discrepancy between right and wrong sides.
However, the right side and wrong side of the world of politics, in which Trump has suddenly become the president of the United States despite being a novice, is not comparable to real estate and television.
Trump's failure to recognize this is probably due to his naivete.
This naivete is reflected in the fact that he thought that since he was so popular among the general public, he would naturally be able to serve a second term.
Immediately after taking office in the cabinet affairs, the ministers who did not listen to most of the first term tried to achieve the two primary goals while deceiving military bureaucrats directly from the Pentagon and trade bureaucrats from the financial industry.
He wasted it on replacing his bureaucracy.
Immediately after taking office for the first term, he will be the top personnel of the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of State, such as overturning a table in anger. He will have eight years if he becomes perverse by two major bureaucratic organizations, the military, and trade. He probably thought it was too uncomfortable all the time.
The plan was to keep at least the first term quiet with a few mild appointments and build an actual Trump administration in the second term.
Trump may be a bit conservative, but he had no doubts that the policies he was promoting were consistent with the American people's common sense values and worldview.
To that extent, there is nothing wrong with being a politician.
He just assumed that a handful of politicians and bureaucrats could not interfere with his policies because he was promoting policies supported by the majority of the public.
It was a fatal failure of perception.
For the U.S. military-industrial complex, the constant state of war in at least two or three parts of the world is their non-negotiable reason for existence.
They would not back down just because they were told, "We're pulling out because we haven't made any progress after years of spending vast amounts of money on the military.
From their point of view, there is no other way to survive than the logic that if you suddenly sprinkle a soldier from a place where you can not get out of the stalemate even if you keep investing money, weapons and ammunition, and human life for decades, the world will be occupied by the enemy immediately. There is no such thing.
The story of why the U.S. financial industry has been unable to break its rotten ties with China is a bit more complicated.
Economists who are comfortable in the world of academia, and even among those who call themselves private economists, are seldom fully aware of this puzzle.
The foundation for the prosperity of the U.S. financial industry does not lie within the United States.
It borrows money from all over the world, totaling about $10 trillion, almost interest-free, and then subleases a small portion of it, I estimate about 20%, to private companies in China.
It is also my estimate, but they must be earning as high as 8 to 9 percent of their investment and loan income from this sub-lending.
Suppose they lose the delicious profit base of the Chinese economy. In that case, the U.S. financial industry, like the Japanese and European financial industries, will quickly become a burden industry with low income and frequent crises.
No matter how low-interest rates remain, the U.S. stock market has maintained a bull market that is far removed from the real economy because of China, which is a source of money.
There is no way the U.S. would let go of China because of unfair trade practices, intellectual property theft, or human rights violations in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region or Tibet Autonomous Region.
When he first took office, Trump thought that he would be reelected because he was promoting policies that the majority of the American people wanted, overcoming the resistance of bureaucrats and high-level officials.
However, by the end of the campaign, he seemed to have realized that American politics is not that simple.
On November 3, the very climax of the campaign, the day of the official vote, he appeared on a Fox interview program.
He then asked, "What have you enjoyed about being president? Was it worth it?" The answer to the question, "What is the best way to get the most out of your life?
"Well, it's a lowly world. You have to deal with terrible people. They are people who think only of deceiving people."
The ultimate answer would be the question, "Which country was the most difficult to negotiate with as president? Russia, China, or North Korea?"
"No, it's definitely America. You might think it's a joke. However, the American people are overwhelmingly challenging to negotiate with, not just jokes. Unfortunately, too many people are just thinking about deceiving people."
(The above is from an entry on the political information website Politico, November 3, 2020.)
From the beginning of autumn, in the state where the Democratic Party controls the governor and the parliament, special provisions to encourage overt fraudulent voting have been announced openly.
Such exceptions include such things as "mail-in ballots postmarked later than the date of the vote are valid," and "a voter's signature on the ballot is not considered an invalid vote simply because the handwriting on the ballot differs from the voter's signature for identification purposes.
We could hardly believe our ears.
On the surface, these exceptions were based on the pretext that "many people use mail ballots because they cannot go out due to the Corona crisis.
But Trump had defeated Hillary Clinton in the 2016 presidential election in a massive upset in many states where Democrats dominated governorships and congressional majorities for years.
Trump must have felt that these brazen election fraud threats were a retaliatory declaration that would only stop Trump from getting a second term, no matter how dirty it had to be.
This article continues.