The following is from an article by Noriyuki Yamaguchi that appeared in the January 26 issue of the monthly magazine Hanada titled "Yoshimasa Hayashi's Research: Who is the inside man to Shanghai Electric Power?"
As mentioned above, we would like the publisher to know that it is regrettable that the article arrived at our home only four days later, on 1/30.
The price is 980 yen (including tax) for a book full of genuine papers, including this one.
As a well-known book reader once said, "There is nothing cheaper than a book," and he is right.
I remember when Junichiro Koizumi was running against Ryutaro Hashimoto for the LDP presidency as a "bite dog" on the privatization of the postal service.
As I have already mentioned, I found his bizarre obsession with the "privatization of Japan Post" extremely strange.
Later, when I learned that Japanese politics was following the U.S. annual report, I instantly understood how bizarre he was.
To illustrate his attitude, I used a Hollywood movie about a politician with a chip implanted in his brain who is on the verge of becoming president, which I wrote about in this column.
Since quitting the prime minister's office, Koizumi has become a man against nuclear power plants and is a fan of solar power generation.
It is no exaggeration to say that Koizumi is, by nature, a man with an empty brain who, when someone implants a chip in him, repeats the same thing repeatedly as if he were an idiot.
Getting back to the subject at hand
Those who subscribed to this paper must have been shaken in various ways.
The fact that Yoshimasa Hayashi's appearance suggests the reality that he is Japan's Foreign Minister and that the Japanese media has not expressed a single concern about this fact.
Japan has already been heavily invaded by China.
It must be horrifying to think that China's "silent aggression" is now more aggressive in Japan than in Australia.
However, if the Japanese people were not outraged by how the old-style local politicians are undermining Japan, it would be just ignorance.
It would be best if you were shocked to find out that the Japanese media and others are a bunch of ignoramuses.
This paper is a must-read not only for the Japanese people but also for people worldwide.
The emphasis in the text other than the headline is mine.
The following is a continuation of the previous chapter.
Japan-U.S. Joint Commission = Occupation Policy
In the first place, the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty included the conclusion of an "administrative agreement" to bind Japan's administrative and judicial powers.
Therefore, on February 28, 1952, two months before the Security Treaty went into effect, the "Japan-U.S. Administrative Agreement" was signed, later becoming the infamous "Status of Forces Agreement."
The distortion of the Japan-U.S. relationship caused by this Agreement was not only the legal inequality in that it gave unilateral superiority to the U.S. side in criminal jurisdiction and immigration control.
Under the guise of discussing the operation of the Agreement, a mysterious meeting called the "Japan-U.S. Joint Committee" was to be held twice a month.
Attendees on the Japanese side were bureaucrats from the central ministries, led by the director of the North American Bureau of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. On the American side were the minister to Japan and the deputy commander-in-chief of the U.S. Armed Forces.
The Japanese side includes 26 subcommittees and ten subcommittees under subcommittees, and their decisions are binding on the Japanese government, despite the informal and closed-door nature of the meetings.
And the details of the proceedings and decisions cannot be disclosed without permission from the U.S. side.
The committee's discussions are not limited to matters related to the U.S. military presence in Japan. Still, they strongly influence Japan's foreign policy, administration, and judiciary policies.
In addition, the Ministry of Justice, the National Police Agency, and the courts are required to follow the decisions of the Joint Commission following a top-secret manual, thus establishing a system of restraining the Japanese bureaucracy from doing as the U.S. side directs.
In this way, the U.S. has established a system to control Japan with the central ministries and agencies in Kasumigaseki as its limbs.
That is why writer Seicho Matsumoto saw the Japan-U.S. Joint Commission as "the U.S. occupation policy of Japan continued in another form.
The "NSS" as a trump card
As long as the "system of guiding Japan" embedded by the U.S. through the Japan-US Security Treaty and the Status of Forces Agreement continues to function, Japan can hardly be called a truly independent country.
Former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe focused on overhauling the system to improve this situation as much as possible.
First, Abe noticed that the Japanese representative on the U.S.-Japan Joint Commission, the engine of U.S. rule in Japan, was the director of the North American Bureau of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and that the deputy directors of the Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Finance, and other bureaus served as deputy representatives.
The "National Security Council" and the "National Security Secretariat" (NSS) were then created at the Prime Minister's Office.
The National Security Council, consisting of the Prime Minister and the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Finance, is the highest level of government command regarding diplomatic security. The NSS is the secretariat that assists the Council.
The National Security Council is the highest level of the government's diplomatic and security command post, consisting of the Prime Minister and the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Finance. The NSS is the secretariat that assists the Prime Minister and the Ministers.
For the director of the North American Bureau of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the highest-ranking official on the Japanese side of the Japan-U.S. Joint Commission, the National Security Bureau is now under the watchful eye of a former administrative vice minister who until recently was the top administrative official at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
For the deputy director-generals and section chiefs of other ministries, such as the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Finance, who attended the Japan-U.S. Joint Commission, the director-generals, who are several terms above them in rank, are now stationed at the PM residence as members of the National Security Bureau.
It has eliminated the situation in which only the bureaucrats in charge of the Joint Committee are aware of what is being discussed and has allowed information on the progress of Japan-US negotiations to be centralized at the PM's residence.
The NSS was created following the White House system in which the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs (the equivalent of Japan's National Security Bureau Director-General) presides over the National Security Council, so the direct point of contact for diplomatic negotiations with the U.S. was moved from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Prime Minister's Office.
Therefore, the NSS began to take the lead in security matters, such as the Japan-U.S. alliance, and in a wide range of negotiations related to Japan-U.S. relations, such as preparations for the Japan-U.S. summit meeting.
Inevitably, the director of the NSS had to deal directly and frequently with his American counterparts, such as the White House assistant secretary of state for security affairs and the ambassador to Japan.
This article continues.
