The following is from the special feature titled "The Sanae Takaichi 'Whirlwind'" published in the September 27, 2021 issue of the monthly magazine WiLL.
This excerpt comes from a featured dialogue between political commentator Sekihei and political scientist Iwata Atsushi, titled “Taro Kono, Who Cannot Deny the Kono Statement, Is a Sucker for China”.
The more a politician is criticized by China, the better they are for Japan
[Preface omitted – pp.77–79]
Iwata:
Kim Philby, a British MI6 spy, was once considered for the top post because of his outstanding abilities. But as we know, he turned out to be a Soviet agent and defected to the USSR.
This illustrates just how skilled communist organizations are at waging information warfare.
Sekihei:
Another reason the Kuomintang (KMT) lost was that it lost U.S. support. At the time, the KMT was corrupt and under Chiang Kai-shek’s authoritarian rule.
It was not a party that shared democratic values with the U.S.
At the same time, the U.S. was deceived by Chinese Communist Party (CCP) propaganda.
Before the Chinese Civil War, the U.S. sent a delegation to Yan’an, where the CCP was based.
The CCP’s newspaper praised American democracy every day.
When the U.S. delegation arrived, CCP leaders changed from luxurious clothes to plain ones, welcomed them in modest homes, and hosted frugal banquets.
The Americans were moved by this humble reception.
This came after they had been exhausted by days of grand banquets hosted by the Nationalists in Nanjing.
Iwata:
At that time, the U.S. perceived the CCP as fundamentally democratic.
They were completely taken in by Mao Zedong’s brilliant acting.
Sekihei:
And it wasn’t just the CCP leadership—they trained even the rank-and-file soldiers to deceive.
They would all chime in, “We love democracy!” (laughs)
Soldiers who couldn’t read or write had no idea what democracy was. They were trained to say it.
This kind of propaganda operation by the CCP still continues today.
Since normalization of diplomatic ties with China, every time Japanese delegations, writers, or professors visit, the Chinese begin planning intense propaganda campaigns a month in advance.
Afterwards, CCP propaganda officials will say smugly, “We fooled another batch of foreigners today. They’re really easy to fool!” (laughs)
Mutual Dependency
Iwata:
On the American side, the key pro-China figure was Henry Kissinger.
He was a strategist for the Nixon administration and pursued a policy of détente with China to counter the Soviet Union.
But since then, China has grown stronger and is now even more aggressive than the USSR.
We should be questioning whether Kissinger’s strategy was valid.
Sekihei:
It would be more accurate to say Kissinger was completely manipulated by China’s propaganda.
Since Nixon’s presidency, Kissinger has just been a private citizen.
And yet, every time he visits China, the country’s top leaders personally greet him and hold talks.
Bo Xilai once invited Kissinger to Chongqing to attend a mass rally where revolutionary songs were sung.
Songs with lyrics like “Down with the landlords,” “Down with capitalism,” and “The U.S. is the enemy.”
But Kissinger listened with a straight face and applauded.
Iwata:
That’s outrageous (laughs).
Sekihei:
At the time, Bo Xilai was viewed as a future top leader.
And Kissinger—he’s no fool.
Iwata:
Why would China go to such lengths to entertain Kissinger?
Sekihei:
Because Kissinger has strong ties in the U.S. business world.
China values those connections.
If businesspeople accompany Kissinger, China welcomes them without hesitation.
And if they’re introduced by Kissinger, the Chinese government offers them special treatment.
This allows Kissinger to retain influence within the U.S.
In that sense, China and Kissinger had a symbiotic relationship.
Iwata:
They were sources of power for each other.
Sekihei:
Until the rise of President Trump, Kissinger’s influence remained strong.
Even before COVID-19, Kissinger would visit China almost annually and hold meetings with Xi Jinping.
Iwata:
What’s troubling is that Kissinger doesn’t just advise the U.S.—he gives advice to Japan as well.
And Japanese scholars and experts who hear it simply say, “Well, if Kissinger says so…” and blindly follow.
Sekihei:
A similar figure to Kissinger is Tanaka Kakuei.
Even after the Lockheed scandal, whenever senior CCP officials visited Japan, they always made sure to visit Mejiro in Tokyo—Tanaka’s home base.
The Chinese side would say, “We never forget the one who dug the well.”
But in truth, they simply wanted to exploit the Tanaka faction behind him.
And Tanaka benefited too—these visits helped him retain his political clout.
Iwata:
Exactly like Kissinger.
Sekihei:
When the Tanaka faction lost influence in Japanese politics, China shifted its allegiance to the Takeshita faction.
According to an account from a former Chinese ambassador, when Kanemaru, a key Takeshita ally, planned a visit to Taiwan, China directly phoned Takeshita to protest, saying “It would be problematic if Kanemaru visits Taiwan.”
The trip was canceled.
Iwata:
I didn’t know that.
Although the Takeshita faction includes people like Foreign Minister Motegi, it has lost its former power.
Sekihei:
Now, China’s target is the Nikai faction.
Toshihiro Nikai and many others in his group have been co-opted.
In any case, what’s clear is that pro-China factions are still firmly entrenched in Japanese politics.
Looking back at Japan and America’s China policy from the 1970s through the 1990s, one can’t help but feel anger.
It was, after all, through Japanese and American cooperation—including financial—that China grew into the global threat it is today.
Iwata:
The responsibility for having created this monster with their own hands must be questioned.
This article continues.
