文明のターンテーブルThe Turntable of Civilization

日本の時間、世界の時間。
The time of Japan, the time of the world

Former Employees Talk about Why Asahi's Biased Reporting Hasn't Stopped

2022年06月07日 13時59分11秒 | 全般
They are permissive socialists by nature. Not so different from the Communists. The word "communism" would be physiologically repulsive to the American people. So, they fake it by calling them "liberals" and so on.
This chapter I sent out in Japanese on 07/14/2019.
I just found the following article online.
I have been saying that the Asahi Shimbun employees are just honored roll students and not the best people in Japan, and it testified on some parts as they are.
The following is a dialogue between two former Asahi Shimbun employees born in 1934 who held important positions in the company after the war, so they are very familiar with the company.
"In-depth Discussion: Former Employees Talk about Why Asahi's Biased Reporting Hasn't Stopped
Monthly Seiron" November 2008 issue
Takeshi Inagaki (former deputy editor of "Asahi Shukan") / Minori Hongo (former head of the Asahi Shimbun's training center) / Interviewer Mizuho Ishikawa (former editorial writer of Sankei Shimbun)
Asahi was a mirror of postwar leftist society.
Inagaki
I always say that the Asahi Shimbun is self-appointed as the guardian deity of postwar democracy.
How and where did the distortion bring about by that postwar democracy come from?
I think it is fair to say that this is precisely reflected in the tone of Asahi's articles.
It is often said that the mass media is a mirror of society.
However, considering the fact that postwar democracy has been controlled and distorted by the left, the Asahi Shimbun is also a mirror of Japan's so-called left-wing society.
It can say that the left and Asahi influence each other.
So what is it about the left that resonates with each other?
It is pro-communist but not necessarily communist.
It does not have a firmly constructed theory like the Communist Party. Instead, it is based on a mood, and you could say it is a mode that they think is cooler.
In other words, there is a kind of leftist sentiment.
Hongo
Asahi's first clear expression of leftist colors was immediately after the war.
In October 1945, the Asahi company called it the October Revolution, but in short, Mr. Katsumi Kyozo (later the Central Committee member of the Japanese Communist Party), who had been hiding underground until then, and later, "I was a Marxist. Mr. Kyozo Mori (later the chief editor) and others who confessed in his book came out with a natural face and supported the theoretical armament.
Inagaki
The same is true of Seiki Watanabe (later president).
Hongo
He quit the company, I think, after the Yokohama Incident.
Inagaki
No, he quit the company, but he returned after the war.
Hongo
Mr. Shinjiro Tanaka also returned to work.
He was the man who later founded the "Asahi Journal" as the head of the publishing bureau.
Inagaki
He was implicated in the Sorge Incident, wasn't he?
Hongo
Yes. He was the head of the Political Economy Department at the Sorge Incident.
He is strangely not charged with the Sorge case, but he is from the Osaka Ministry of Economic Affairs, isn't he?
Mr. Tanaka was from the Osaka Economic Affairs Department, and Mr. Tomoo Hirooka and Mr. Kyozo Mori.
The Osaka editorial bureau was far from Tokyo, the center of power, and had a somewhat anti-establishment atmosphere even before the war.
In 1936, when a scandal involving an Asahi reporter broke out at the then Tokyo Stock Exchange and the Tokyo Economic Affairs Department had to be reformed, Mr. Tanaka moved to Tokyo with Mr. Hirooka and others from Osaka. Hidemi Ozaki was also at the Tokyo head office at that time. Tanaka, who had obtained information from his subordinates, was the one who told Ozaki about the top-secret "southward expansion" of the "Imperial Conference."
Such people had been hiding within the company during the war and came out all at once when the war ended.
The previous year, Asahi had removed the then editorial executives and the heads of the Murayama and Ueno families and publicly elected the executives in the spring of 1946.
It meant that the union would hold elections to choose the executives. Tadashi Hasebe, who was still deputy editorial bureau chief, took over as president, and the situation became a kind of union-management.
It was the first time it raised a red flag at Asahi.
But the critical thing to remember is that the undercurrent of this trend existed even before the war.
The GHQ, which promoted the occupation policy, also had a reformist group, and it was in response to this group Asahi's left-leaning began.
Inagaki
It seems that many of the reformist groups were in the civil affairs bureaus and social education fields at the time.
Hongo
Yes. Some of them promoted New Deal policies.
Inagaki
Even the New Dealers were New Deal leftists.
Hongo
You could say they were people whose dreams did not come true in the United States.
Inagaki
They were initially communist socialists.
They are not so different from the Communist Party.
The American people have a physiological aversion to the word "communism.
So, they were disguised as "liberals" and infiltrated various government agencies, and some of them were pretty radical.
They infiltrated the social education field of MacArthur's headquarters.
Hongo
So these people planned to use newspapers to democratize Japan.
The oppressed people during the war will be exposed, and newspapers will be the vanguard in promoting the so-called democratization of Japan.
The Yomiuri had a fierce dispute with the Yomiuri.
It was led by Tomin Suzuki, a correspondent of Asahi in Europe during the war.
However, the world situation was changing dramatically.
As early as March 1946, Churchill gave his "Iron Curtain Speech,"
The Chinese Communists were increasingly defeating Chiang Kai-shek. Furthermore, the Korean War began when the U.S. changed its occupation policy.
The United States, which had previously ostracized prewar and wartime leaders by banning them from public office, made a complete turnaround and embarked on the Red Purge.
After education, the next target was the newspaper industry.
NHK had the most significant number of expellees with 119, followed by Asahi with 104.
The method used promoted snitching within the workplace; President Hasebe was bitter and even forced by GHQ to do it, or the Asahi Shimbun would be destroyed.
It is said that Shintaro Ryu (Editorial Editor) that Hasebe protected him most hard.
Hirooka, Tanaka, Mori, and others, who had once appeared on the stage and become prominent figures with the labor union as their mother organization, were returned to their original workplaces at this point. Then, the ban on holding public office was lifted, and both Seiichi Ueno and Nagataka Murayama returned to the company.
However, both men were second-generation family members who owned the company, and their "good intentions" were undeniable.
Inagaki
I didn't have the leadership of Mr. Shoriki (Matsutaro, President of Yomiuri, Secretary of the Science and Technology Agency in the First Kishi Reshuffle Cabinet).
Hongo
Mr. Nagataka was initially the third son of a feudal lord who had been given the title of viscount.
Seiichi was also so quiet that he is said to have "the DNA of a fugitive from the enemy" (laugh).
In the end, the relatively young people who survived the war and had managerial skills built the postwar newspaper boom that began in 1948 and 1949.
Mr. Daizo Nagai (later managing director) was a big name in the business department, and Mr. Kanichiro Shinobu (later senior managing director) was the two wheels of the editing system.
They built the postwar golden era until the beginning of the 1950s.
Ishikawa
This was the era of Mr. Murayama.
This article continues.





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