The following is from the serial column of Ms. Yoshiko Sakurai, who brings the weekly Shincho released yesterday to a successful conclusion.
This article also proves that she is a national treasure, a supreme national treasure defined by Saicho.
Kishida's task: changing the nature of the Kōchikai
"This is the start of the real thing. I want to go into this with a strong heart and a firm resolve."
On October 4, Fumio Kishida, the new prime minister, said. That's very good.
The situation surrounding Japan today is severe in almost every field.
We need unshakable strength if we are not to be swallowed up by the problems but to solve them one by one and overcome them.
Therefore, he immediately decided to hold the lower house election on October 31. The schedule for the dissolution and general election is the sole prerogative of the prime minister. He can do as he sees fit.
However, it is difficult to see what Mr. Kishida's "intentions" are beyond that point.
Looking at the party and ministerial personnel affairs does not convey his apparent intention to "do this!"
The administration has just started. Will Mr. Kishida take control of the LDP and create a solid structure to deal with domestic and international issues?
Political journalist Fumito Ishibashi spoke on "Genron TV" on October 1. "There are two factors that have led to former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe having what is known as a 'one strength government base. There are two factors. Firstly, Abe and Aso worked together to control the centrist conservative forces within the LDP firmly. On the other hand, Mr. Suga was able to control the younger generation, including Taro Kono and Shinjiro Koizumi, who were on the rashness. In this way, he was able to control 90% of the LDP at all times, which is why Abe was the only strong candidate. As far as Mr. Kishida's appointments are concerned, that has collapsed. I think it's dangerous.
Mr. Ishibashi is talking about the appointment of the secretary-general.
"Mr. Amari was at the forefront of the effort to bring down Suga. Mr. Amari was the first person at the top level to say that Suga could not fight the election. I am sure Suga will never forget that. Mr. Kishida, who made Mr. Amari the first secretary-general, left Mr. Suga in the field. The prospect of creating a system to receive the unanimous support of Abe, Aso, and Suga is bleak. If Mr. Kishida doesn't notice it, I think the administration is in jeopardy."
In the November issue of Sound Argument, former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori said something interesting: When Mr. Kishida came to greet him on his candidacy, he asked him who he wanted as his secretary-general.
Mr. Kishida stammered, "Oh," and said he had not decided yet. Mr. Mori asked him further.
That's true," he said. You don't know which faction will do what yet, so you can't say. You've already decided on the Chief Cabinet Secretary, haven't you?
However, there was no one in mind for the post of Chief Cabinet Secretary either.
The Chief Cabinet Secretary is the cornerstone of the Cabinet, and the Secretary-General is the cornerstone of the party. These two positions are the backbone of the government. The fate of the government is determined by who is entrusted with each of these positions.
Nevertheless, Kishida was unable to decide on the most critical personnel plan.
Then he appointed Amari as secretary-general. The appointment of Amari as secretary-general was seen as evidence of Kishida's inability to read the subtleties of human relations within the party.
At the same time, it began to be pointed out that the Kishida administration was probably controlled not by Kishida but by Amari. It is not a good sign.
The Conservative Stance
But it is not all negative.
Sanae Takaichi, who fought well in the election for the presidency, was appointed as the head of the policy research committee, a position that concentrates powerful authority.
Takashi Arimoto, the publisher of Sound Argument, explained the situation.
"The Kōchikai (Kishida faction) had the idea that if they made Ms. Takaichi a cabinet minister, they would be in trouble if she visited Yasukuni Shrine. However, this may solidify the support base of the conservative base.
The reason, he said, is the strong authority given to the chairman of the LDP Policy Research Council.
The Liberal Democratic Party is known for its active subcommittee activities. A study session will be held early in the morning to discuss obstinate disputants and policies. Liberal Democratic Party lawmakers are trained through controversies in the subcommittee.
The chairman of the LDP Policy Research Council is in a position to decide the heads of these subcommittees and the chairman of the research council.
Whoever heads the subcommittees influences the flow of policymaking, which means that Ms. Takaichi can suppress the policies of the liberal faction, which holds considerable power in the LDP, and move the entire party in the direction of conservatism.
Ms. Takaichi will also be ultimately responsible for making pledges for the upcoming lower house election.
It means that no policy will become a party pledge unless Takaichi says "yes" to it.
The LDP's base of supporters, the conservative forces, will be relieved to know that Takaichi will reign as the LDP Policy Research Council chairman.
When there are fears that Kishida will lean toward the traditional liberal line of the Kōchikai, Takaichi's conservative stance will be of great significance.
Take off a good listener.
It is no secret that the international situation around Japan is grim.
China continues to intrude into our Senkaku waters.
Dozens of fighter jets fly over the Taiwan Strait every day.
We must not turn a blind eye to this Chinese threat and build a sufficient deterrent against China.
It will require, first and foremost, strengthening the Self-Defense Forces and further tightening the Japan-U.S. alliance.
Will Mr. Kishida be able to do this? If he is to do so, he will have to reject the Kōchikai's tradition of military aversion.
Let's take a look back at the history of the Kōchikai.
Former Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida, who can be the originator of this tradition, continued to reject the advice of Eiichi Tatsumi, a military advisor who worked for him, even though he repeatedly advised him to rearm and revise the Constitution.
However, in November 1964, after his retirement, Mr. Yoshida bowed to Mr. Tatsumi, saying that he was "deeply sorry" for not listening to his advice.
His successor as prime minister from the Kōchikai was Hayato Ikeda.
He likened Japan's denial of military power to that of a "eunuch" and regretted that Japan could not have an army.
However, while both Yoshida and Ikeda recognized the national necessity of maintaining military power, they failed to reflect the universal principles of the international community in their national politics.
It is a double standard. It can be called irresponsible to the Japanese people.
Another prime minister from the Kōchikai, Zenko Suzuki, said that the word "alliance" in the joint statement issued after meeting with President Reagan in May 1981 "has no military connotation."
What will happen to Japan's security when there is no Japan-U.S. security guarantee in Japan and when the Japan-U.S. alliance has no military implications?
It is the tradition of the Kōchikai to cling to a fictional peace without looking at reality.
Although he is the head of that faction, Mr. Kishida nevertheless pledged to revise the Constitution in his campaign for the presidency. He also declared the need to strengthen the Self-Defense Forces.
As for the capability to attack enemy bases to stop ballistic missiles targeting Japan in the territory of the other country, he said, "It is conceivable that we could prepare this capability as a deterrent.
As a politician, his words are heavy. He must act on them.
He needs to move beyond being a good listener and become a man of decision-making and action.
Breaking through the Kōchikai's aversion to military affairs is the foundation for the realization of the pledge.
