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第2霊犀社(元祖第一は、田中逸平主宰の私塾)@霊際社@P。ネタ帳・メモ書きなど、まあガラクタ。嫌疑76件わざと表示拒否中

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ごちゃごちゃ書いてたこと、移動しました。
http://blog.goo.ne.jp/raycy/e/9327ac54e59c04c4d9590a19c97a2d01

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キーボードの2段めと3段目はなぜ互い違いになっていないの - 教えて!goo: に答えてってな形で部分統合しようかナとも思う。 ​http://blog.goo.ne.jp/raycy/e/c11db5b33d4a1d67900e568ab0dc6273ではちょっとスレ違うと思う。
http://www6.atpages.jp/~raycy/Q/ を  http://www6.atpages.jp/raycy/blog2btron/door やらの作業経過を取り入れつつ、ふくらませるようなかんじで、、

Stationary Stateの概念

2007-10-29 03:41:43 | LinkRecords
Principle of political economy mill stationary 
John Stuart Mill が. Principles of. Political Economy. (1848)で導入
した、古典派経済学を象徴するものとしてのStationary Sateの概念を厳密に定式. 化した。

Principle of political economy mill stationary state

Stationary Sate
"Stationary Sate"

Principle of political economy mill stationary state
"stationary state" ←1、2

"stationary state" mill OR ミル
 さらに、イギリス古典派経済学に属するミル(Mill, J.S.)も、『経済学原理』(1848年)の中で、人口の増加→食料需要の増加→収穫逓減の法則による食糧価格の上昇→労賃の上昇→利潤率の低下というリカード(Ricard, D.)的な利潤率低下論を展開した上で、利潤率が最低限にまで低下してしまった停止状態(stationary state)の社会について論じている。このミルの議論において特徴的なのは、彼が、スミス以来の多くの経済学者とは異なって、その停止状態をむしろ社会的に好ましい状態と考え、積極的に評価したことである。ミルはいう。「もし富と人口との無制限な増加のために地球がその楽しさの大部分を失ってしまわねばならないとすれば、しかもその目的が、ただたんに地球をして、より大いなる人口-しかしけっしてよりすぐれた、あるいはより幸福な人口ではない-を養うことを得しめることだけだとすれば、私は後世の人々のために切望する。彼らが必要に強いられて停止状態に入るはるか以前に、みずからすすんで停止状態に入ることを」。

 さらにミルは、次のようにも述べている。「資本および人口の停止状態なるものが、必ずしも人間的進歩の停止状態を意味するものではないということは、ほとんど改めて言う必要はなかろう。停止状態においても、あらゆる種類の精神的文化や道徳的・社会的進歩の余地があることは、従来とかわることはなく、また『生活の技術』を改善する余地も従来とかわることはあるまい。そして技術改善の可能性は、人間の心が立身栄達の術のためにうばわれることを止めるために、はるかに大きくなるであろう」と。ここで述べられているミルの主張には、今日の経済成長至上主義や物質的豊かさのみを追求することに対する批判的な問題提起が含まれている。
http://home.hiroshima-u.ac.jp/er/EE_KK_K1.html
環境経済学とは 植田(1991)〔『環境経済学』(9-26p)から〕
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stationary state 2

2007-10-29 03:38:33 | LinkRecords
http://www.archive.org/details/principleseconom01milluoft
Internet Archive: Details: Principles of political economy : with some of their applications to social philosophy

428 BOOK II. CHAPTER XL 3.

labouring family enjoys in abundance the necessaries, many
of the comforts, and some of the luxuries of life ; and, unless
in case of individual misconduct, or actual inability to work,
poverty does not, and dependence need not, exist. A
similar advantage, though in a less degree, is occasionally
enjoyed by some special class of labourers in old countries,
from an extraordinarily rapid growth, not of capital gene
rally, but of the capital employed in a particular occupation.
So gigantic has been the progress of the cotton manufacture
since the inventions of Watt and Arkwright, that the capital
engaged in it has probably quadrupled in the time which
population requires for doubling. While, therefore, it has
attracted from other employments nearly all the hands which
geographical circumstances and the habits or inclinations of
the people rendered available ; and while the demand it
created for infant labour has enlisted the immediate pecu
niary interest of the operatives in favour of promoting, instead
of restraining, the increase of population ; nevertheless wages
in the great seats of the manufacture are generally so high,
that the collective earnings of a family amount, on an average
of years, to a very satisfactory sum ; and there is, as yet, no
sign of permanent decrease, while the effect has also been felt
in raising the general standard of agricultural wages in the
counties adjoining.

* But those circumstances of a country, or of an occupation,
in which population can with impunity increase at its utmost
rate, are rare, and transitory. Very few are the countries
presenting the needful union of conditions. Either the in
dustrial arts are backward and stationary, and capital there
fore increases slowly ; or the effective desire of accumulation,
being low, the increase soon reaches its limit; or, even though
both these elements are at their highest known degree, the
increase of capital is checked, because there is not fresh land
to be resorted to, of as good quality as that already occu
pied. Though capital should for a time double itself simul
taneously with population, if all this capital and population



WAGES. 429

are to find employment on the same land, they cannot with
out an unexampled succession of agricultural inventions
continue doubling the produce ; therefore, if wages do not
fall, profits must ; and when profits fall, increase of capital
is slackened. Besides, even if wages did not fall, the price of
food (as will be shown more fully hereafter) would in these
circumstances necessarily rise ; which is equivalent to a fall of
wages.

* Except, therefore, in the very peculiar cases which I have
just noticed, of which the only one of any practical impor
tance is that of a new colony, or a country in circumstances
equivalent to it ; it is impossible that population should
increase at its utmost rate without lowering wages. Nor
will the fall be stopped at any point, short of that which
either by its physical or its moral operation, checks the
increase of population. In no old country, therefore, does
population increase at anything like its utmost rate ; in
most, at a very moderate rate : in some countries, not at
all. These facts are only to be accounted for in two ways.
Either the whole number of births which nature admits of,
and which happen in some circumstances, do not take place ;
or if they do, a large proportion of those who are born, die.
The retardation of increase results either from mortality
or prudence; from Mr. Malthus s positive, or from his pre
ventive check : and one or the other of these must and does
exist, and very powerfully too, in all old societies. Wherever
population is not kept down by the prudence either of indi
viduals or of the state, it is kept down by starvation or
disease.

----------------------------------

COST OF PRODUCTION. 559

fold quantity ; but he does not buy more steam-engines be
cause the price is lowered. His demand for steam-engines is
almost always predetermined by the circumstances of his situa
tion. So far as he considers the cost at all, it is much more
the cost of working this engine than the cost upon its purchase.
But there are many articles for which the market is abso
lutely and merely limited by a pre-existing system, to which
those articles are attached as subordinate parts or members.
How could we force the dials or faces of timepieces by arti
ficial cheapness to sell more plentifully than the inner works
or movements of such timepieces ? Could the sale of wine-
vaults be increased without increasing the sale of wine ? Or
the tools of shipwrights find an enlarged market whilst ship
building was stationary ? .... Offer to a town of 8000 inha
bitants a stock of hearses, no cheapness will tempt that town
into buying more than one. Offer a stock of yachts, the
chief cost lies in manning, victualling, repairing ; no dimi
nution upon the mere price to a purchaser will tempt into
the market any man whose habits and propensities had not
already disposed him to such a purchase. So of professional
costume for bishops, lawyers, students at Oxford." Nobody
doubts, however, that the price and value of all these things
would be eventually lowered by any diminution of their
cost of production ; and lowered through the apprehension
entertained of new competitors, and an increased supply ;
though the great hazard to which a new competitor would
expose himself, in an article not susceptible of any consi
derable extension of its market, would enable the esta
blished dealers to maintain their original prices much longer
than they could do in an article offering more encouragement
to competition.

-------------------------------------

APPENDIX. 613

tion by the country people. They have less animal food, in pro
portion, to spare for the towns, because they retain more of it for
their own use.

On what evidence is it asserted that small properties imply defi
ciency of cattle, and consequent deficiency of manure ? That they
are not favourable to sheep farming seems to be admitted ; yet in
France, as well as in the United Kingdom, the number of sheep
has doubled in the course of a century.* It is true that in quality,
instead of the extraordinary improvement which has taken place
in England, they have remained almost stationary. But the breeding
and fattening of horned cattle is so perfectly compatible with small
capital, that in the opinion of many Continental authorities, small
farms have the advantage in this respect, and so great an advantage
as to be more than a compensation for their inferiority in sheep .f
It is argued that the petite propriete must diminish the number
of cattle, because it leads to the breaking up of natural pasture.
But when natural pasture is fit for the plough, a greater number
of cattle than were supported on the whole, may be supported on
a part, by laying it out in roots and artificial grasses ; and it is
well known that on the stall-feeding system there is much greater
preservation of manure. The question of petite culture, in rela
tion to cattle, is, in fact, one and the same with the question of stall-
feeding. The two things must stand or fall together. Stall-feeding
produces, cceteris paribus, a greater quantity of provisions, but in
the opinion of most judges a lower quality. Experience must
decide.
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stationary state

2007-10-29 03:37:16 | LinkRecords
http://www.archive.org/details/principleseconom01milluoft
Internet Archive: Details: Principles of political economy : with some of their applications to social philosophy
-----------------------------------------------------

LAW OF THE INCREASE OF CAPITAL. 215

When a country has carried production as far as in the
existing state of knowledge it can be carried with an amount
of return corresponding to the average strength of the effec
tive desire of accumulation in that country, it has reached
what is called the stationary state ; the state in which no
further addition will be made to capital, unless there takes
place either some improvement in the arts of production, or
an increase in the strength of the desire to accumulate. In
the stationary state, though capital does not on the whole
increase, some persons grow richer and others poorer. Those
whose degree of providence is below the usual standard,
become impoverished, their capital perishes, and makes room
for the savings of those whose effective desire of accumulation
exceeds the average. These become the natural purchasers
of the lands, manufactories, and other instruments of produc
tion owned by their less provident countrymen.

What the causes are which make the return to capital
greater in one country than in another, and which, in certain
circumstances, make it impossible for any additional capital
to find investment unless at diminished returns, will appear
clearly hereafter. In China, if that country has really at
tained, as it is supposed to have done, the stationary state,
accumulation has stopped when the returns to capital are
still as high as is indicated by a rate of interest legally twelve
per cent, and practically varying (it is said) between eighteen
and thirty-six. It is to be presumed therefore that no greater
amount of capital than the country already possesses, can find
employment at this high rate of profit, and that any lower
rate does not hold out to a Chinese sufficient temptation to
induce him to abstain from present enjoyment. What a
contrast with Holland, where, during the most flourishing


216 BOOK I. CHAPTER XI. 4.

period of its history, the government was able habitually to
borrow at two per cent, and private individuals, on good
security, at three. Since China is not a country like Burrnah
or the native states of India, where an enormous interest is
but an indispensable compensation for the risk incurred from
the bad faith or poverty of the state, and of almost all private
borrowers ; the fact, if fact it be, that the increase of capital
has come to a stand while the returns to it are still ,so large,
denotes a much less degree of the effective desire of accu
mulation, in other words a much lower estimate of the
future relatively to the present, than that of most European
nations.

-------------------------------
BOOK II. CHAPTER IX. 2.

proves that full advantage is not taken by the landlord of
even that more limited competition, since the landlord s rent
does not amount to the whole of what the incoming tenant
not only offers but actually pays. He does so in the full
confidence that the rent will not be raised ; and for this he
has the guarantee of a custom, not recognised by law, but
deriving its binding force from another sanction, perfectly
well understood in Ireland.* Without one or other of these
supports, a custom limiting the rent of land is not likely
to grow up in any progressive community. If wealth and
population were stationary, rent also would generally be
stationary, and after remaining a long time unaltered, would
probably come to be considered unalterable. But all pro
gress in wealth and population tends to a rise of rents.
Under a metayer system there is an established mode in
which the owner of land is sure of participating in the
increased produce drawn from it. But on the cottier system
he can only do so by a readjustment of the contract, while
that readjustment, in a progressive community, would almost
always be to his advantage. His interest, therefore, is de
cidedly opposed to the growth of any custom commuting rent
into a fixed demand.

-------------------------------

426 BOOK II. CHAPTER XI. 2

labourers question, or to any of the schemes, of which some
one or other is at all times in vogue, for making the labourers
a very little better off. Things which only affect them a very
little, make no permanent impression upon their hahits and
requirements, and they soon slide back into their former
state. To produce permanent advantage, the temporary
cause operating upon them must he sufficient to make a great
change in their condition a change such as will be felt for
many years, notwithstanding any stimulus which it may give
during one generation to the increase of people. When,
indeed, the improvement is of this signal character, and a
generation grows up which has always been used to an im
proved scale of comfort, the habits of this new generation in
respect to population become formed upon a higher mini
mum, and the improvement in their condition becomes per
manent. Of cases in point, the most remarkable is France
after the Revolution. The majority of the population being
suddenly raised from misery, to independence and compara
tive comfort; the immediate effect was that population, not
withstanding the destructive wars of the period, started
forward with unexampled rapidity, partly because improved
circumstances enabled many children to be reared who would
otherwise have died, and partly from increase of births. The
succeeding generation however grew up with habits consider
ably altered ; and though the country was never before in so
prosperous a state, the annual number of births is now nearly
stationary,* and the increase of population extremely slow.f



* Supra, pp. 359 to 363.

t A similar, though not an equal improvement in the standard of living
took place among the labourers of England during the remarkable fifty years
from 1715 to 1765, which were distinguished by such an extraordinary suc
cession of fine harvests (the years of decided deficiency not exceeding five in all
that period) that the average price of wheat during those years was much
lower than during the previous half century. Mr. Malthus computes that on
the average of sixty years preceding 1720, the labourer could purchase with a
day s earnings only two- thirds of a peck of wheat, while from 1720 to 1750 he



WAGES. 427

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大河内一男 「労働問題研究」復刻版、推薦の言葉。

2007-10-28 18:23:12 | LinkRecords
http://ci.nii.ac.jp/cinii/servlet/Kensaku?DOCID=110002556764
CiNii - 検索結果一覧
高橋,彦博
中央労働学園における大河内一男教授
社会志林 50(4),144-162,20040300(ISSN 13445952) (法政大学社会学部学会 〔編〕/法政大学社会学部学会/法政大学)

、、社会政策論は実は、労働問題研究の隠れ蓑であった、云々、、、

http://webcatplus-equal.nii.ac.jp/libportal/DocDetail?txt_docid=NCID%3AAN10023225
Webcat Plus
勞働問題研究
中央勞働學園 -- 復刻版 / 菅谷章 [編集解題]. -- 原書房. -- 創刊號 (昭21.10)-49號 (昭26.3.4)
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ハングリー精神、闘争本能、上昇志向

2007-10-28 17:38:24 | LinkRecords
ハングリー精神闘争本能上昇志向
ハングリー精神、闘争本能、上昇志向
闘争心 
ハングリー精神、闘争心、上昇志向
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