Essay代写：Us "fair trade" policy

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文- Us "fair trade" policy，供大家参考学习，这篇论文讨论了美国“公平贸易”政策。美国近来以“公平贸易”政策为由，频繁对他国所谓“不公平贸易行为”实施单边贸易保护措施，与多个经济体产生贸易摩擦。其中，中美贸易关系最为紧张，双边就知识产权保护等关键议题分歧巨大，未达成任何制度性协定，同时两国在高端制造业和贸易新领域竞争日益激烈。

"Fair trade" is a controversial abstraction. In the context of American trade law and practice, "fair trade" has a specific meaning. After World War II, the United States recognized that the great depression was often associated with competing tariff increases and beggar-thy-neighbour policies. At that time, the United States had an obvious comparative advantage in the field of trade, so it led the establishment of a free trade system to create conditions for opening up foreign markets and expanding its own economy. At the same time, the United States is committed to capital and technology intensive industries, and gradually shifted to traditional manufacturing, resulting in the total demand for consumer goods in the United States than the total supply. In addition, in order to make up for the shortage of domestic production, the United States used the unique international "hard currency" status of the dollar to expand imports, which led to the rising trade deficit of the United States. On the other hand, the United States views the trade deficit as the result of other countries' "unfair trade measures". The United States now has a trade deficit with 101 economies, which it blames on other countries' "unfair trade practices". Rather than free trade, "fair trade" policies are better suited to campaigns or rallies to shore up the base of the vote. When the pressure on the us to compete increases, it tries to deflect the pressure by accusing other countries of "unfair trade practices". In this case, the United States will continue to use the "fair trade" as an excuse to improve trade protection measures and try to reduce the trade deficit. Here, the "fair trade" policy is the dynamic balance between free trade and trade protection, which shows that "fair trade" is actually the weapon used by the United States to implement trade protection.

In the us discourse system, free trade is considered "unfair" if other countries are less open than the us. In other words, "fair trade" here means demanding parity in the level of openness. Of course, the requirement for "fair trade" is laudable in terms of reducing trade barriers; But it is against the principle of free trade to close us markets to other countries because they do not give in to us demands. In theory, even without reciprocity, the us would still benefit from unilateral openness; If America opens its own markets as well as those of others, it will generally get a double dividend. So it is only right for the us to continue to show the benefits of free trade to countries that were initially reluctant to do so, or to lobby them to do so, if their requests for opening up their markets are denied.

Mr Trump's "fair trade" thesis assumes that foreign producers competing with the us should bear the same Labour costs; It is not "fair trade" if labor costs in different countries in the same industry are different from those in the United States, but the labor costs in the United States are higher. This goes against the classical theory of comparative advantage in economics, and should be based on local conditions. Therefore, when the United States restricts its exports to the United States or even closes its market because other countries do not yield to the United States' demand for equal openness, when the United States asks other countries to conform to American labor standards, the United States is adopting import protectionism.

At the legal and institutional level, the anti-dumping and countervailing investigation and article 337 of the us tax act of 1930 also give the us the right to take protective measures against other countries' unfair trade practices. The United States trade act of 1974 further gives the President authority over trade policy.

It can be seen that, first, the United States has its own discourse system on "fair trade" and a complete trade protection system under the pretext of "fair trade", which has a long-term impact on the world economy. Second, measures taken by the us based on the so-called "fair trade" principle are not only protectionist, but often take the form of unilateral trade measures. In the name of "fair trade" or a "level playing field," the United States seeks to protect the domestic industries of strong trading nations or gain market access for weak ones by pressuring them, often in the form of unilateral trade measures.

The "fair trade" policy violates the laws of the market and erodes the free trade system. Free trade enables countries around the world to cut tariff and non-tariff barriers, open their markets, integrate into the global economic system quickly and promote their own economic development. It can also produce "spillover effect", which is conducive to exchanges and cooperation between different countries and indirectly promotes world peace. The wto brings together trade liberalization efforts to exert market power in a way that benefits all members and eliminates discriminatory treatment. Unlike this approach, one country's pursuit of sectoral or intra-sectoral reciprocity makes it politically difficult for other countries to accept, leading to trade antagonism degenerating into punitive tariffs and retaliatory tariffs. In short, "fair trade" is not conducive to the global trading system and does not form the basis for the design, negotiation and implementation of its complex economic policies.

Economic policies that violate market principles often have undesirable consequences. The "fair trade" policy provides legal support for the us to take trade remedy measures. Trade remedies are essentially a form of government intervention in the economy and a means to address market failures, but the description and characteristics of the concept of "fairness" were vague from the outset, so the United States could apply restrictive and unfavorable interpretations to foreign suppliers. The offensive to open foreign markets open policy is based on the requirements of equivalence assumption that often leads to weak trade party is likely to shift trade with other economies, to the United States to reduce imported from more efficient suppliers to meet the demand for exports in the United States, it destroys the free and open market, which would influence the efficiency of the market.

The essence of the "fair trade" policy is "America first", that is, American interests come first. "Agenda" proposed "America first" policy, emphasize the experiences in other countries' unfair trade practices "threat, so U.S. trade policy to adapt to the requirement of national interests and security strategy, under the existing trade agreements, the implementation of the United States trade law and the rights in the United States, as a" fair trade "basis.

In this regard, the "America first" trade policy is embodied in a series of successive protectionist measures. The us department of commerce initiated "232 investigations" against steel and aluminum imports respectively in April 2017 in accordance with section 232 of the trade extension act 1962. The United States commission on international trade law initiated a safeguard investigation of photovoltaic cells and modules worldwide in May pursuant to section 201 of the 1974 act. Under section 301 of the 1974 trade act, the ustr initiated a section 301 investigation into the Chinese government's policies and measures relating to technology transfer, intellectual property rights and innovation in August. In May 2018, the United States launched the "232 investigation" against imported automobiles and spare parts on the grounds of national security. As the largest trading partner and source of trade deficit of the United States, China is regarded by the United States as a "challenger eroding the security and prosperity of the United States" and has become the main target of the United States' trade protection measures.

In the national security strategy report released by the us in December 2017, the trump administration pointed out the need to shape and reform the WTO to ensure that it is more efficient and capable of adjudicating "unfair trade practices". The agenda also gives priority to reform of the existing multilateral trading system.

Because of the world trade organization on the so-called "unfair trade practices" powerless and dissatisfaction with the reform of the world trade organization, the United States is trying to shape and reform the existing multilateral trade mechanism, will include "fair trade" policies, which can be "market economy status", "national security" and other factors as the basis of trade protection measures. Lighthizer, the current U.S. trade representative, even publicly praised the effectiveness of the non-binding dispute settlement mechanism under the gatt framework, saying that the mandatory dispute settlement mechanism under the WTO goes beyond the scope of member states' mandates and needs to be reformed. Is also based on this, in the current dispute settlement body appellate body three judges term is full, don't immediately appoint judges dispute settlement body is unable to effective implementation of WTO rules, which affect the stability of the multilateral trading system and the predictability of the background, the United States remains in the world trade organization, the appellate body transparency extended verdict, the appellate body members after he continue to hear by blocking the selection of the judge, to stress the world trade organization member world trade organization to accept the United States, the reform plan.

In his state of the union address on January 30, 2018, trump said the trade relationship the United States seeks will be "fair and reciprocal" and that he will work to resolve "bad trade agreements" and negotiate "good" and "fair" new ones. In the case of dissatisfaction with the multilateral trading mechanism of WTO, the us under trump turned to "bilateral negotiation" mode, making full use of its strong position, giving full play to its advantages, formulating more self-interested rules and maximizing the interests of the us. In the agenda, trump stressed that in order to better negotiate "fair and balanced" trade agreements, it is necessary to renegotiate the north American free trade agreement, the korea-us free trade agreement, establish the us-uk trade and investment working group, and open up the potential for signing bilateral trade agreements with the Indian Ocean and Pacific region and Africa.

As for the North American free trade agreement revisions, the United States sought an advisory, rather than mandatory, dispute settlement mechanism and called for a "sunset clause" that would automatically expire after five years unless the three countries agreed to renew the agreement. If it cannot renegotiate, the us will withdraw from nafta under article 2205. Faced with a huge trade deficit with South Korea that has been growing year by year, trump expressed concern that South Korea has not strictly complied with its commitments on labor, competition, tariffs, medical equipment and other aspects of the agreement, and called for a renegotiation of the U.S. -south Korea free trade agreement to reach a more "fair" trade agreement.

From the above specific manifestations of the "fair trade" policy of the United States, trump's "fair trade" policy has three characteristics. Second, strengthen the implementation of domestic trade law and further open the foreign market with our own advantages; Third, weaken the multilateral trading system and seek American interests through bilateral negotiations. It can be seen that trump's "fair trade" policy is based on the premise of America first, unilateralism as the means and protectionism as the purpose.

Trump's trade policy team argues that when imports exceed exports, trade reduces the economy, and reducing the trade deficit increases the economy. Under the current free trade system, facing the us trade deficit with China rising, America's economic advantage is relatively reduced, thus the trump in "fair trade" policies established the "America first" premise, and by 301, 201, terms such as "fair trade" policy tools to improve America's trade protection measures, save the comparative advantages of the United States. But whether or not Mr Trump is re-elected as President, us protectionism is here to stay. The passage of the 1974 trade act illustrates the blurring of partisan divisions over trade policy in the United States. In general, the us Democratic Party is too tied to Labour groups to support open trade policies; Republicans remain wary of lowering tariff barriers and ensuring reciprocal market access. The huge trade deficit has become a difficult problem for the us government to face, and trade policy tools have once again become the preferred means of driving competitors to submission.

As a tool of "fair trade" policy, section 301 imposes tough sanctions on countries with balance-of-payments surpluses, based on their own legal system rather than international trade rules. Although the legal functions of article 232, 201 and 301 are different, they have the same purpose. In terms of function, section 301 can expand the market of other countries and guarantee the access of American products, while section 232 and section 201 fully protect the domestic industry and domestic market of the United States from strong competition from foreign imports. The common purpose of these trade policy tools is to reduce the us trade deficit, protect specific domestic industries and discriminate against specific trading partners, so as to safeguard the priority economic and security interests of the us. The preferential "fair trade" policy of the United States shows that the United States circumvented its obligations under the WTO with national security and other reasons, and protected the domestic market by imposing tariffs, which is in essence trade protectionism.

The us's use of trade protection measures such as anti-dumping and countervailing duties against competitors is clear. The improper use of trade protection measures reflects the bias of the United States in evaluating the "fairness" of trade between foreign enterprises. The United States seeks to engage successful competitors in costly defense actions by engaging them in a national judicial process that is not a model of justice and fairness. Anti-dumping and countervailing duties are obviously used as tactical tools to bring foreign competitors to their knees. Legal low-level mechanisms are deliberately abused to pave the way for illegal trade protection to use administrative high-level mechanisms of protection. In the United States, an industry is usually successful in securing protection from the U.S. government through the classification of unfair trade complaints.

The United States is the world's largest economy and its escalating trade protectionism raises the risk of a global trade war. This action of the United States directly affects the free trade of China, the European Union, Japan and Canada, and also causes these countries to take corresponding tariff measures as countermeasures. The international community has a general consensus on the harm of trade protectionism. Economists at the European central bank said the change in global tariffs could lead to a contraction in global trade of up to 3 per cent and a decline in global growth of up to 1 per cent. Ms lagarde attacked the trump administration's focus on the us bilateral trade deficit with China, saying: "the trump administration should look more closely at the us domestic economy to improve its overall trade deficit and governments must steer clear of protectionism of any kind. History shows that imposing import restrictions hurts everyone, especially poorer consumers."

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Assignment代写：Notice the debate about representationalism

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的assignment代写范文- Notice the debate about representationalism，供大家参考学习，这篇论文讨论了注意和表征主义关系争论。基于注意现象的针对表征主义的质疑往往通过指明表征内容没变而现象性特征却因为注意的影响而发生了变化，由此批评表征主义对现象特征的说明，进而指出表征主义是有问题的。

James, in his book principles of psychology, talks about the debate he and feichler had about whether attention affects the appearance of experience. James mentioned that fiddler thought that no matter how much attention we paid, the sound of a bell striking was no louder for us, and James thought that when we listened to the notes in a chord, it sounded louder. In recent years, some critical arguments against representationalism are based on the fact that attention changes the phenomenal characteristics of experience. One of the advantages that representationalism often claims is its treatment of phenomenal features, the phenomenal features of experience that can be explained by the representational content of experience, which is defined by an exact set of conditions.

Attention based on the phenomenon of representationalism is often questioned by pointing out that the content of representation has not changed while the phenomenal features have changed due to the influence of attention, so as to criticize the description of the phenomenal features of representationism, and then point out that there is something wrong with representationism. Chalmers pointed out that most of the examples involving identical representations but different phenomenal features are related to attention. Nickel criticized representationalism through the following examples of the numerical 9: the empirical phenomenology of focusing attention on 1, 3, 5, 9 and on 2, 4, 6, 8 are different, but the visual representational content remains the same. Similarly, the Mach square/diamond case has been developed: it will be regarded as a square or diamond depending on the point of attention. Nani once pointed out that the common form of these arguments is to illustrate the problem of representationalism by comparing the difference of the phenomenological characteristics of two kinds of experience and pointing out that the representational content has not changed.

In response to these examples, representationalism suggests that what we represent in experience has changed because of attention. Thayer responds that in the square/diamond case, experience is represented in a different way: when we see a square, the axis of symmetry we represent is an edge; When it's a diamond, the axis of symmetry that we represent is an Angle. Braddock also accepts that representationalism can respond to phenomenal changes by selective attention. However, block argues that the experimental work on implicit attention by psychologists such as carrasco challenges representationalism, because it can no longer employ the strategies described above to explain content differences through apparent attention selection.

Brock points out that many of the examples of attentional change in implicit attention do not involve explicit selection of nature, and that changes in empirical phenomena have a strong effect when they occur. The experimental research of carrasco et al., focused by block, focuses on the implicit attention, and particularly focuses on the phenomenological aspects of experience. It is believed that attention will change the phenomenological aspects of visual experience and improve the contrast of brightness, saturation of color, size of distance, coordination of movement and spatial frequency. Block says carrasco's "results show that if the Gabor visual cues that are being looked at are slightly lower than the actual comparison, the attention enhances the contrast so that the two visual cues are roughly equal; If both Gabor visuals are identical to the actual comparison, then the visuals that are being looked at will look higher in the comparison." For details, see the light/dark contrast of Gabor's visual index in the following figure: the square point in the middle is the fixed point. When paying attention to this fixed point, the visual index on the left is lower than that on the right. When the fixed point is fixed, look at the left side of the target and the contrast will look the same as on the right side, i.e. the contrast of the left side of the target will increase by 6%.

Block accepted the results of this experiment, believing that attention affects perceived contrast, size, etc., and that the object being noticed looks bigger, faster, and more prominent. When comparing the attention of the same object with the absence of attention, block holds that it is about two different phenomenological experiences of the same object: "the attention to the same thing and the less attention to the same thing are phenomenally different but the object itself or the exemplary nature of the object itself is not different". Representationalism then needs to explain what changes in content lead to two different phenomenological features. And this content cannot be arbitrarily chosen, it needs to be given in the context of normal true perception. But the problem is, there are two real experiences of the same object that are not illusions, and if both are real, then it seems impossible to compare the object at 22% and 28%. The problem brock poses with this experiment is not that representationalism gives a proper account of the content, but that representationism "has no way of determining which distribution of attention produces real perception and which produces hallucinations" with respect to the same left-hand contrast. He argues that representationalism is arbitrary in judging whether one of the two experiences of E1 and E2 is true and the other is not, and its interpretation of content cannot be arbitrary. The question here is how to interpret and judge the exact conditions required by representationalism, that is, what resources of attention can produce accurate experience? If all attention resources are required, then almost everything involving attention will not be accurate; If there were no attention resources at all, the same conclusion would be reached -- because most conscious observations still involve some level of attention. So for braddock, it's not exactly a case of all attention, much less a case of no attention at all; The exact condition must be related to a particular attention resource. Braddock's point is that representationalism can't say either E1 or E2 is real or illusion without being arbitrary, it can't say the exact conditions of experience without being arbitrary, so it can't say what changes are. Block points out that an arbitrary arbitrary distinction is not conducive to accuracy. So for carrasco's experiment, representationalism does not determine the relationship between attention and the precise conditions that determine representational content.

Thayer's response to carrasco's visual contrast experiment was this: according to this experiment, the shift in attention improved the contrast by 3-6%, which was a change in the content of the experience; Considering the visual experience, there is no possibility of a change in attention but no change in the content of the experience; Examples in the literature, such as chalmers and nicol, actually involve changes in the content of experience. In short, if we experience a phenomenal change, it means that something in our experience has changed. And thayer suggests that there may be unconscious properties of experience that are partly responsible for the response to higher distinctions. The problem is that thayer doesn't go much further than that. Representationalism deals with the challenge that the representational content is the same as the phenomenal difference, mostly through the understanding of the nature of the representational object to explain the phenomenal difference. As speakes points out, representationalism will accuse anti-representationism of having too narrow an understanding of the nature of what is represented, and should be more general. Schellenberg's description of "the nature of environmental dependence"; Shoemaker's distinction between present manifestation and tendency manifestation; Brogard's explanation of "interesting central features" and so on. Similarly, in the face of braddock's challenge, the response to representationalism is still mainly to adopt the usual strategies mentioned above, with only different interpretations of representational properties. The same is true of attention-indication theory and uncertainty theory, which will be examined below.

Pritman argues that both E1 and E2 can be accurate and compatible. She believes that some properties of perceptual representation are dependent on the "narcissistic nature" of the subject -- they are defined by the relationship with the subject, and then gives a new understanding of the exact conditions of these properties, that is, not only the state of the world is needed, but also the state of the subject, such as the direction of attention. Based on the description of this property, she puts forward the "attention-indication view" : depending on the attention distribution of subjects, there can actually be many correct representations of Gabor's visual objects. The idea is that there is a change in the representational content of experience from 28% to 22% as attention shifts implicitly to the left-hand marker, but neither is a false representation. Because in E2, Gabor visual criteria can be correctly represented as "no-attention -22% comparison", and E1 can also be correctly represented as "attention -28% comparison". In short, an accurate representation of the narcissistic nature depends not only on what the world is like, but also on the observer's relative state, such as the state of attention. In different forms of attention, the same contrast can be represented differently, just as subjects in different internal states have different representations of the same objective temperature. The attention-indication view does not deny that there are objective properties, but argues that perception does not represent them in the case of comparative objects. Pritman even suggests that a seemingly objective property, such as contrast, is actually a narcissistic property. Pritman concludes that it seems that objects with 22 percent contrast and 28 percent contrast are incompatible, but their compatibility is easy to understand once they are viewed as dependent on the attention of the subject.

In response to pritman's view that the comparative nature of empirical representation is related to the state of attention of the subject, watters questions how to understand perceptual constancy. In general, perception, such as size, shape, color, and so on, maintains its stability in a range of conditions such as brightness, distance, and so on, which may be justified in saying that these are objective properties rather than properties related to the state of the subject. Thus, the constancy aspect appears to indicate that these perceptual situations are indicative of the external world rather than the subjective state, thus posing problems for the attention-indication theory. To which prittman responded simply: some properties such as contrast properties do maintain constancy in many variations, but it does not exhibit constancy in the context of attention; Moreover, a property remains constant in brightness and distance, and it cannot be concluded that this property is objective and not narcissistic; The properties of a subject dependency can remain unchanged through change, such as the distance from the object, but it will depend on other state of the subject, such as the direction of attention. Watters' criticism of constancy is indeed inadequate. As pritman points out, carrasco's experiment showed exactly that -- that attention changes perception of contrast. But pritman's response to constancy is again too sketchy. Since it is not clear exactly what the connection between attention and the manifestation of constancy is, it is certainly not entirely excluded, since attention and perceptual constancy are common phenomena, it would be necessary to elaborate further. Otherwise, just to say that properties like contrast, as the experimental results show, do not exhibit constancy in the context of attention, and are arbitrary; Also, not all attention situations, perceptual constancy does not occur. A series of experiments by carrasco's team showed that perceptual properties such as color did not change.

In addition, according to pritman, braddock's argument presupposes an understanding of the concept of "accuracy", that is, the objective nature of represented content is compared with that of represented. She thinks that what we should change is the understanding of this "accuracy", and then puts forward the concept of accuracy that needs to consider the state of attention of subjects. What is important, however, is how much pritman's accuracy in this sense means to representationalism. Although the interpretation scheme is to argue that E1 and E2 are both accurate in response to block's query. But that raises another question, which is does representationalism need the accuracy of this understanding? If many properties are indicative of attention, subject-dependent, is this condition of accuracy still the one understood by representationalism? Watters points out that the opposition of attention-indication theory to the objective contrastive nature of experience representation shows some extremes of this theory. And, in practice, the precise conditions of such an indication are hardly clear. Because it can't be a simple case of paying attention and not paying attention. As pritman puts it: "characterizing 22% of the comparisons accurately requires characterizing that correct contrast in a particular context of attention." Pritman did not elaborate further on this particular background of attention. While this answer has a lot of flexibility, can avoid difficult problem is put forward by the bullock determine pay attention to the link between the distribution and experience the accuracy, but still need to further illustrate specific attention to background can be characterized socialist conditions, the veracity of the need to otherwise this response is also useless, although can avoid arbitrariness problem but fall into the same is impossible to judge the other extreme.

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Term Paper与Research Paper的区别

不知道留学生在日常的学习中，有没有试过把Term Paper与Research Paper混淆。可能有的人会问，不都是Paper吗，应该一样的吧。其实不然，Term Paper与Research Paper的区别是非常大的，下面就给大家详细讲解一下。

一、什么是Term Paper

通过对整个高等教育的教学过程组织分析后，我们发现，学期论文（Term Paper）的写作有明确的目的：考察学生对所接受的培训知识概括，并对具体专业问题开展复杂决策和应用的能力。学期论文（Term Paper）的选题一般会限定回答某一个专业与实际问题紧密相关的问题。

学期论文（Term Paper）帮助学生系统化的梳理、组织和应用所学的理论知识，并帮助老师检查学生掌握相关知识的程度和质量。

二、什么是Research Paper

研究论文（Research Paper）一般会出现在某一个学习阶段结束后，用于考察大学或学院学生进行某项科学研究而书写的探索性论文。

研究论文的内容会包含与学生所学学科有关的复杂、专业甚至晦涩的词语或者名词，展现学生对特定学科的实际应用技能和研究能力。研究论文写作有明确的研究对象并应用严谨的理论知识并结合实践以力求解决具体的科学决策应用和实践中的问题。

写作研究论文（Research Paper）的基本要求：

1.论文主题有一定的研究紧迫性，符合现代科学理念并在相应领域拥有一定的发展前景；

2.针对主题进行专题研究并进行批判性的分析；

3.所研究主题的近年研究状况，及其相应领域的最佳实践情况；

4.研究主题的准确特点，研究的目的和研究过程描述、分析和试验情况；

5.研究结果的归纳总结，证据、结论和实际应用建议。

学生写作研究论文（Research Paper）应该充分阅读理解课程内容，并在写作过程中边写作边实践，写作研究论文应该以积极开展实践研究为基础。

学生的课程研究论文写作可以考察学生的一般科学研究探索能力水平，它有助于学生将所学知识转化为某学科实践决策能力，有助于提升学生应用独立材料开展研究和分析总结的能力。

大学或学院学生的研究论文大多会由教授提供明确的研究主题，限制学生的研究方向并明确整个研究论文的考核指标，有助于量化考核学生的学术水平和研究能力技能。

看完了Term Paper与Research Paper的写作区别讲解，不知道大家都能否分清Term Paper与Research Paper了呢！

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Paper代写：Data security

本篇paper代写- Data security讨论了数据安全。大数据云计算随着网络技术的提升有较快的发展，在此过程中把数据在存于云端，这在一定程度上会造成数据风险，这就需要提高数据在大数据云计算环境中的安全系统，以此来提升信息数据在网络中的安全性，对互联网网络技术的发展奠定了良好基础。本篇paper代写由51due代写平台整理，供大家参考阅读。

Computer Internet technology is an inevitable product of social development. With the development of our society, network technology has a great penetration in different fields and can provide greater convenience for people's life to a large extent. It is also an important driving force for social progress in our country. In addition, the Internet is prone to network security problems in the big data cloud computing environment, which leads to great security risks of network data. It will not only threaten the security of network users' information data, but also adversely affect the development of computer network technology to a large extent. In order to solve this problem, network technicians need to effectively analyze the data in the network through big data cloud computing environment, so as to improve network security and avoid network security hidden dangers to the greatest extent.

Big data cloud computing is a kind of new occurring in the process of development of the Internet technology, mainly based on network processing and calculation combined with the traditional Internet technology effectively, such as virtualization, grid computing, and network storage, etc., and on this basis, in the form of dynamic and rapid development, thus it can be seen that the technology is easy to be extended. In addition, big data cloud computing mainly consists of corresponding resource pool through more computers, which are virtualized to form a complete computer system and provide convenient services for users. In addition, users can also connect to the data center through big data cloud computing and meet their own needs according to their own needs. Big data cloud computing is different from the traditional mode to some extent, with higher timeliness and reliability, which can improve the computing ability of data to a large extent, and give play to the network advantages effectively, so as to realize resource sharing. However, there are also some security problems in the application process of big data cloud computing, which is conducive to the development of Chinese government and enterprises

The development of Internet big data technology is the crystallization of people's wisdom, but the network security in the big data environment is also affected by the openness of the network. Since the Internet has been fully popularized in China, data security issues should be highly valued by users and network managers. In addition, the development of computer network technology in China and abroad compared to late, but the fast development of computer network technology and popularization, in the process of development if the lack of necessary computer network security defense mechanisms, can greatly reduce the security of network data, vulnerable to hackers and virus attacks, such as directly cause the loss of data information. The world's most obscure virus, known as ransomware, can be hidden in a computer, gaining access to its operations. If a user refuses to pay, the data stored on the computer will be deleted automatically, paralysing the system. Therefore, some advanced security management methods are needed to protect computer hardware and software in real time so as to improve the security of network data.

With the popularization of computers in China, the number of computer terminals is gradually increasing, and with the continuous improvement of computer performance, greatly convenient for users to live and work, but to a certain extent, the computer performance is not fully play, so that resources are wasted. Through the virtual cloud network, computer researchers integrate the computers within the protocol range into the IDC service system, which can effectively get rid of the traditional resource search restrictions and greatly improve the processing speed of the information by the computer. For example, traditional computers need 10 days to process pictures, which can be completed in about an hour through big data cloud computing, greatly improving the speed of data processing.

The openness of the Internet has higher, but the big data cloud computing is done running in an enclosed space, in the process of running need to provide the password to access to resources and services of enjoyment, users transmit the own needs to big data in the cloud computing platform, will be able to get the corresponding service, which greatly reduces the user of the computer in a large extent performance requirements, to obtain the comprehensive resources and services.

In the big data cloud computing environment, data isolation occurs when data sharing is carried out. In general, big data technology is often used by the government and enterprises. If data isolation occurs, the data will be lost, and the government and enterprises will cause certain economic losses to a large extent. In addition, if the application scope of big data technology is expanded, data isolation problems will increase to some extent, mainly because it is difficult to implement encryption protection of data in the process of resource sharing, resulting in reduced security of data information, and criminals will steal data in this environment.

Generally speaking, many data security problems in the big data cloud computing environment are reversed through asset access control and data sharing through big data cloud computing, but some criminals steal data resources through illegal access. In addition, the use of cloud service platform can effectively provide users with convenient, and stored in the server, cloud service providers to be able to effectively read the data from the server, if cloud computing services without effective security encryption of the data has been a hacker or virus, cause the system paralysis, in a larger extent caused economic losses.

Computer user information mainly through the form data, including big data cloud background of data storage is more complicated, but users in front resource store operation process is relatively simple, can be effective for data storage, in order to improve the efficiency of the whole will need to various storage of data and the form of encapsulation, if big data cloud computing service platform by external factors in the process of running attack, in a large extent can result in data storage address is destroyed, make different nodes are easy to be attacked, and greatly reduce the security of data.

In big data cloud computing environment, the operating process of the data are relatively complicated, after the use of some data need to keep secrets in the industry, by means of destruction to avoid the criminals steal used, including data destruction is also the last link in the network, if the data is not completely destroyed, there are larger data security hidden danger. In addition, during the operation of big data cloud computing, due to the large amount of data to be processed, the destruction of data takes a relatively long time, which increases the probability of theft during the destruction, and users will recover the data illegally without thorough destruction.

In the operation of big data cloud computing, user data will be stored in the cloud and sent back to the user through the network. In order to avoid transmission security risks or data sharing, targeted transmission and sharing methods are needed to effectively isolate the third party, so as to effectively isolate the data. In addition, it is necessary to detect users' Shared resources and network, and use high authentication technology to isolate some suspicious users, so as to improve the security of network data.

A large amount of data increases the complexity of the operation, it is need to improve the access control technology, the security of data for effective security, access control technology mainly include role access control, discretionary access control and mandatory access control, for discretionary access control, different owner decides the control, so the authority is relatively stable, each object is the owner and determine the control. In addition, the credit rating of the subject needs to be determined through the subject label, so that the data can be safely extended.

In the storage process of data in the network, encryption is needed to improve its security, which can prevent data from being stolen or tampered to a large extent. Even if it is accessed by criminals, the data will show a garble state, and the real data will not be presented. In addition, symmetric encryption method should be selected for data encryption, which can effectively encrypt user information storage through centralized user key management and distribution mechanism, and on this basis can also play an effective management.

In the operation process of cloud computing, big data need to be on the cloud platform service system to improve effectively to improve the safety, the response to effectively set access permissions, and on this basis to the improvement of the effective and optimization of encryption technology, to promote the security of the key intensity, effectively for the illegal invasion in a large extent, restricted. In addition, it is necessary to carry out effective inspection of network protection system, and take effective solutions to repair any vulnerabilities, so as to improve the security of data in the big data cloud computing environment. To do this, the fixer can actually request data and build a virtualization system to eliminate outside interference in the application.

Through effective methods to improve the data security in the big data cloud computing environment, not only can improve the security of information data in the network, but also can improve the better application of Internet technology in life to a large extent. In addition, the big data cloud computing as the network technology has increased rapidly in the development of computer network technology development and the future direction, in the process in the data stored in the cloud, the risk to a certain extent can cause data, it is need to improve the data in the data security in cloud computing environment system, so as to make raw data in the network security, Internet of our country the development of network technology has laid a good foundation.

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Essay代写：Historical nihilism

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文- Historical nihilism，供大家参考学习，这篇论文讨论了历史虚无主义。历史虚无主义从抽象的个人出发考察历史，把个人独立于社会之外，独立于现实之外。历史虚无主义代表着资产阶级的意识形态，与马克思主义代表的无产阶级意识形态相对立。历史虚无主义思潮的存在是长期的，我们不仅要从理论上揭露和批判它，还需要用哲学的方法论找出解决问题的方法。

Historical nihilists believe that China's modern history since 1840 would have been better developed without the Chinese revolution. They believe that reform is better than revolution and deny the historical progress of revolution. They regard revolution as destructive to the development of society and as meaningless to progress. Therefore, they praised reform from this point of view, and believed that reform's positive effect was far greater than revolution. For example, they said from the perspective of construction: "improvement is closer to construction, more convenient to achieve the purpose, is the best policy. Revolution is to destroy, far from the purpose of construction, is the best policy. The May 4th movement was both a revolutionary and destructive movement. However, revolution and destruction were the last choice and a kind of middle policy, which was later ignored. Revolution and destruction were regarded as the best choice and the best policy, thus leading to the worship of revolution and destruction. From the May 4th movement to today, in the political and cultural fields, there was more destruction than construction."

It can be seen from the above views that historical nihilists' attitude towards revolution is to use the destructiveness of revolution to negate the new democratic revolution led by the communist party.

As we know, the reason why China chose the revolutionary road in modern times was determined by the basic national conditions of China at that time -- the nature of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. In such a society, the strength of the three mountains which weigh down on the people is very powerful, and national independence and people's liberation cannot be achieved without revolutionary means. As for the Chinese revolution as a last resort, MAO zedong said in 1920: "in my opinion, the Russian revolution is a tactic of change, which is hopelessly exhausted and leads nowhere. The above point of view is the conclusion drawn by MAO zedong by comparing China's national conditions at that time with Russia's national conditions during the October revolution. The practice of a modern history has proved that revolution is the only choice to solve the main contradiction of China's semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. The history of the old democratic revolution has shown that reformism does not work in China.

At the same time, historical nihilism attempts to negate the legitimacy of the ruling position of the CPC by negating MAO zedong, the first generation leader of the party. As we know, MAO zedong is the founder of new China. Without the victory of the new-democratic revolution led by him, China would not be where it is today. Historical nihilism exaggerates MAO zedong's mistakes in his later years, replaces his contributions with those made in his later years, obliterates MAO zedong's contributions in Chinese history, and deliberately distorts history to create ideological confusion. The purpose of this logic thinking of historical nihilism is to negate the legitimacy of the ruling position of the communist party of China.

As we all know, after the first opium war in 1840, China was gradually reduced to a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. The national conditions of the semi-colonial and semi-feudal society in modern China were the starting point for solving all the problems in modern China. The nature of the semi-colonial and semi-feudal society in modern China has determined that the principal contradiction in society is between imperialism and the Chinese nation, between feudalism and the masses of the people. The principal contradiction in society determines the main task, so the main task of modern China is to overthrow the three mountains that weigh on the Chinese people. Chinese people of all walks of life have tried to overthrow the three mountains. From the peasant movement of taiping heavenly kingdom to the westernization movement, from the reform movement of 1898 to the revolution of 1911, the repeated explorations ended in failure. The fundamental reason for the failure was to set up the capitalist system divorced from China's national conditions. However, historical nihilists put aside historical practice and divorced from the national conditions at that time, believing that there are conditions and soil for the development of capitalism in China. For example, historical nihilists believe that modern China is a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, "this theory is actually one-sided", because it "ignores the great significance of the progress of capitalism in China, especially the struggle of the bourgeoisie against feudalism in politics and culture. The failure to understand that semi-colonies and semi-feudalism are not one and the same, led to the delay in completing the anti-feudalism task after the anti-imperialism task had been completed. In fact, this theory is to use the universal value of the capitalist road to deny the rationality of the socialist road, and then oppose the four basic principles which are the foundation of the country, reverse the socialist direction of the modernization drive, reform and opening up, and achieve the goal of peaceful evolution of China.

The above three negations are organically unified. It is very confusing to negate the legitimacy of the leadership and ruling of the communist party of China from the negation of the Chinese revolution, so as to achieve the purpose of negating the legitimacy of the socialist road. If we want to expose the ulterior purpose of historical nihilism, we must analyze it with the theory of marxism.

Historical nihilism didn't put the unifying of the past, present and future in China, but cut off the inner link between them, in an attempt to separate the Chinese history, especially the 30 years before China's reform and opening up and reform and opening up 30 years after the opposite, with thirty years after 30 years before the negative negative 30 years before or after thirty years. Tell us the dialectics of marxist philosophy, contact means that things between the elements of internal and mutual influence and mutual restriction and mutual action between the relationship of Engels in when it comes to the "dialectical picture" of things widespread contact points out, "when we view the nature or human history through thinking or our own mental activity, first appear in front of our eyes, is a pair of contact and interaction by the endless interweave picture". Human history and other things, the history, the present and the future are related and interlinked. History is the past and reality is the future. From this perspective, the new democratic revolution led by the communist party of China overthrew the three big mountains that weighed on the Chinese people and achieved national independence and people's liberation. The completion of this task has laid a foundation for the task of making the country rich and strong and the people rich. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, under the leadership of the communist party of China (CPC), the communist party of China (CPC) began the arduous exploration of socialist construction and made great achievements. Similarly, without the material foundation laid by the socialist exploration in the first three decades of reform and opening up, the rapid economic and social progress in the past three decades would not have been possible. Therefore, once the inherent link between "past - present - future" is denied, the legitimacy of the ruling of the communist party of China is out of the question. Most importantly, without the support of the new democratic revolution led by the communist party of China and the arduous exploration of socialism, the "present and future" would have lost its foundation and become a castle in the air. However, historical nihilism cuts off the modern and contemporary Chinese history which has an organic connection, denies the universal connection of history, so as to negate the relationship between today's great achievements and the CPC, and thus negate the rationality of the party's leadership. This kind of logic is worthy of every Chinese vigilanc

Historical nihilists always hold a metaphysical and one-sided view when evaluating the history of the new democratic revolution and socialist construction led by the communist party of China, turning a blind eye to the achievements of the communist party of China and infinitely magnifying the mistakes made by the communist party of China. The great leap forward, the people's commune movement and the ten-year "cultural revolution" mistakes made by the communist party of China during the period of socialist exploration are not to compare the mistakes with the great contributions of the communist party of China objectively and justly, but to vilify the history of the party and the Chinese communists regardless of the mainstream and tributaries. The view of contradiction in marxist philosophy points out that contradiction is the relationship that reflects the opposition and unity of things inside and between things. From this point of view, the mistakes made by the communist party of China and MAO zedong in his later years are secondary aspects of the contradiction and do not determine the nature of things. The resolution on some historical issues of the party since the founding of the People's Republic of China states: "comrade MAO zedong is a great marxist, a great proletarian revolutionist, strategist and theorist. Although he made serious mistakes in the 'cultural revolution', his contributions to the Chinese revolution far outweigh his mistakes in his life. His merit comes first, his mistake second." The historical nihilists evaluate the CPC and MAO zedong with the thinking mode of overgeneralization in order to deny the achievements of the new democratic revolution and socialist construction led by the CPC.

On the issue of social development and its laws, there have always been two fundamentally opposite views, one is the idealist view of history, the other is the materialist view of history. Before the emergence of marxism, the idealist view of history had been in a dominant position. Idealism is the main defect of history it is always from the motivations of people activity, and no further research motive behind the material motivation and economic roots, the history of the development of the social history as a spirit, deny the objective law of development of social history, deny the masses of the people in the decisive role in the development of society and history.

Historical nihilism makes a different evaluation of historical events and historical figures without adhering to the same objective standard. The late Mr. Gong shuduo commented: "historical nihilism is not the complete nihilism of history, but the nihilism of something and the non-nihilism of something. Historical nihilism nothingness is one of China's history, is the leadership of the communist party of China and the guidance of marxism-leninism, is people's democratic dictatorship and the socialist system, but the traitor, traitor, reactionary rule is not nothing, but to beautify, praises, the history of the has been reversed to reverse back, confuse right and wrong." Historical nihilism, a wrong way to evaluate history and historical figures, has an ulterior political purpose behind it. By smearing the Chinese communist party, vilifying MAO zedong and causing ideological chaos, they achieved the goal of overthrowing the leadership of the communist party and subverting the socialist system.

Marxist historical materialism reveals that revolution plays a great role in social development. "Revolution is the locomotive of history" and "a powerful driving force for social and political progress". Revolution is not only an important means and decisive link to realize the replacement of social forms, but also can give full play to the decisive role of the people in historical development. But didn't see the history nihilism revolution of the positive role, belittling revolution blindly, slander and deny the Chinese people's anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle for national independence, behind the political purpose is obvious, is through the negative revolution to negate the leadership of the communist party of China, and, in turn, denial of the socialist system, to celebrate the capitalist system provides the theory support for universal values. We must keep a clear mind and not be fooled by this illusion. Of course, marxism did not negate reform as a supplementary means of revolution, and it also played a positive role in the historical development. Marxism does not reject reform, but opposes it. Because reformism advocates replacing social revolution with reform, historical nihilism is a typical reformism that replaces revolution with reform. Reformism ignores the principal contradiction of society, so it is impossible to remove the obstacles to social development fundamentally, and may even go to the opposite side of the revolution and become a stumbling block to the revolution. For China's new democratic revolution, the harm of this reformism is very great. Under the guidance of this theory, it is impossible to solve the principal contradiction between China's semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, still less to achieve national independence and people's liberation.

Historical nihilism examines history from the abstract individual, independent of society and reality. Marx and Engels pointed out clearly: "the first premise of any human history is undoubtedly the existence of living individuals." The individual here is not a biological individual, but a person in a certain social relationship, which reflects the essential attribute of human sociality. However, when evaluating MAO zedong personally, historical nihilism did not take MAO zedong and other revolutionary leaders into consideration of China's actual national conditions at that time. Instead, it simply started from the ideological motivation of people's historical activities and categorically denied the CPC and its new democratic revolution. We know that the semi-colonial and semi-feudal society at that time China's specific national conditions, based on the old democratic revolution period, the peasant class, bourgeoisie reformers and bourgeois revolutionary leadership of revolution all failed, the practice of revolution has been examined peasant class and the bourgeoisie could not have led the Chinese people to national independence and liberation, one of the most important reason is that there is no unity of hundreds of millions of Chinese people, don't realize one decisive role in the development of the people in history. Historical materialism, when investigating the relationship between man and history, divides the relationship between man and history into three categories, namely, the relationship between man and history, group and history, and individual and history. When investigating the activities of historical subject from the most abstract form, it is undoubtedly necessary to affirm the main body status of man in the overall historical process. It is in this respect that marxist classical writers put forward the view that "people make their own history". At the same time, historical materialism further examines the relationship between groups and history, individuals and history, and distinguishes the different roles of the two in the creation of history, and draws the conclusion that the masses are the creators of history. As we all know, the communist party of China came from the working people, and it is well aware of the oppression and exploitation of the working people. Therefore, since its birth, the CPC has represented the fundamental interests of the people and taken serving the people wholeheartedly as its fundamental purpose. Under the leadership of the communist party of China, the new democratic revolution gained the support and support of the broad masses of the people. A just cause has many supporters, while a unjust cause has few supporters. Historical nihilism fails to see the justice of the new democratic revolution led by the communist party of China, that is, its popular nature, and its essence is that it fails to see the decisive role of the people in historical development.

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