あのころ僕は若かった

http://kiyoshimatforklog.cocolog-nifty.com/blog/
６年前の写真です。
カイちゃんが７ヶ月ころコーンケーンの自宅で撮影しました。
あのころ僕は若かったって歌もありましたね。
いつも年より若くみられていたスラチャイですが、
ようやく人並みに年をとってきました。
今は昔の面影もありません。
さびしいですね。

木語：沈まぬ中国潜水艦＝専門編集委員・金子秀敏

Chinese fleet's flag waving in Miyako Channel international law, not intimidation
木語：沈まぬ中国潜水艦＝専門編集委員・金子秀敏
　＜ｍｏｋｕ－ｇｏ＞

A fleet of 10 Chinese vessels including two submarines flying the Chinese national flag passed through the Miyako Channel situated between Okinawa's main island and Miyako Island on April 10 -- an act Japanese news organizations characterized as intimidation.
　中国の艦隊が沖縄と宮古島の間の宮古水道を通過した。潜水艦２隻は浮上していた。日本では、中国が日本を威嚇したと見る報道が多い。

"The submarines were cruising on the surface and flying red Chinese national flags as if to show them off. It is extremely rare for submarines to navigate on the surface of the high seas," a Mainichi Shimbun article on April 18 reads. "China displayed its military capability to Japan in an area close to its territorial waters. Japan is now changing its restrained stance toward China."
　「（潜水艦は）浮上航行し、誇示するように赤い中国国旗をなびかせていた……外洋で潜行する潜水艦が姿を見せるのはきわめて異例……『庭先』で中国の海軍力増強を見せつけられた日本。中国への抑制姿勢を変えつつある」（毎日新聞４月１８日朝刊）などだ。

The fleet, based in Ningbo, Zhejiang province, consists of eight surface vessels -- destroyers and supply ships -- and two submarines, and was formed to undertake blue water missions.
　この艦隊は中国海軍の東海艦隊（司令部・浙江省寧波）に所属している。母港は上海に近い舟山列島。駆逐艦、護衛艦、補給艦８隻と潜水艦２隻の計１０隻が、年次計画の遠洋航海のために編成された。

The fleet passed through the Miyako Channel into the Pacific Ocean and continued on a straight course to the waters near Okinotorishima Island, where they conducted exercises before sailing back to China via the same route.
　艦隊は、東シナ海から宮古水道を抜け太平洋に出ると、そのまま直進し、沖ノ鳥島周辺に達した。そこで演習をして、同じルートで帰投した。

If you traced the fleet's wake on Google Earth, you could easily understand the purpose of the exercise. Ningbo, the Miyako Channel and Okinotorishima Island are all along a straight line. If the line is extended, it reaches Guam, home to large U.S. bases. The fleet headed in the direction of Guam by the shortest possible course.
　グーグルアースで航跡をなぞれば演習の目的は一目瞭然（りょうぜん）だ。寧波－宮古水道－沖ノ鳥島は一直線。その延長線上には米軍基地の島グアムがある。中国艦隊は最短コースでグアムを目指したのだ。

The Miyako Channel is in Japan's exclusive economic zone. However, its central part is in international waters where vessels of any country can pass freely. All vessels passing near a given country's territorial waters are guaranteed the so-called "right of innocent passage" -- or the right to pass the waters freely as long as they cause no damage to other vessels or to the country. However, there are rules that regulate submarines in such waters. Article 20 of the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea stipulates that "in the territorial sea, submarines and other underwater vehicles are required to navigate on the surface and to show their flag."
　宮古水道は日本の排他的経済水域（ＥＥＺ）だが、中央部は領海ではない。どの国の船舶も自由に航行できる公海である。
　たとえ領海でも、すべての船舶は「無害航行」の権利がある。ただし潜水艦だけは「領海においては、海面上を航行し、かつ、その旗を掲げなければならない」（国連海洋法条約第２０条）というルールがある。

Therefore, the Chinese submarines sailed on the surface of the Miyako Channel and flew their national flag as a sign of innocent passage. "The coastal state shall not hamper the innocent passage of foreign ships through the territorial sea," Article 24 of the convention states.
　潜水艦が浮上して国旗を立てるのは無害通航のサインである。無害通航の条件を守っている外国船舶が領海に入ったとしても、沿岸国は「無害通航を妨害してはならない」（同２４条）のだ。

There are four routes through which Chinese Navy vessels can sail from China to the Pacific Ocean -- including the Osumi Strait and the Miyako Channel, according to a Chinese paper. Of them, the Miyako Channel is the easiest to pass.
　中国海軍が東シナ海から太平洋に出るには、日本本土－沖縄－台湾という「第１列島線」を通過しなければならない。中国紙によれば、中国海軍が太平洋に出る国際海峡は「大隅海峡、宮古水道、横奄水道、与那国島西海峡の４海峡」。なかでも宮古水道が一番通りやすい。

In March, another Chinese Navy flotilla based in Qindao, Shandong province, passed through the Miyako Channel and advanced southward along the east coast of Taiwan. It then went into the South China Sea and came close to the Strait of Malacca.
　３月には北海艦隊（司令部・山東省青島）所属の遠洋艦隊がやはり宮古水道を通過し、台湾東岸の沖合を南下した。さらに南シナ海に入り南沙諸島を経てマラッカ海峡の手前まで遠征した。

The Miyako Channel will likely serve as the gate to the open ocean for ships of the Chinese Navy. The Chinese fleet wanted to show off its national flag obviously not to the Japanese Self-Defense Forces, but to U.S. forces in the Pacific Ocean.
　今後、宮古水道は中国艦隊のゲートになる。中国潜水艦がほんとうに国旗を誇示したのだとすれば、見せようとした相手は自衛隊ではなく太平洋の米軍だろう。

It is easy to answer the question as to why a Chinese fleet sailed toward Guam and another sailed off the east coast of Taiwan.
中国艦隊はなぜグアム方向を目ざしたのか、なぜ台湾の東側に出たのか、考えれば答えはすぐ出る。

(By Hidetoshi Kaneko, Expert Senior Writer)
(Mainichi Japan) April 29, 2010
毎日新聞　2010年4月29日　東京朝刊

歌舞伎座新築へ 伝統芸能を発展させる礎に

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Apr. 30, 2010)
Reinvigorate traditional performing arts
歌舞伎座新築へ　伝統芸能を発展させる礎に（4月29日付・読売社説）

The stage on which many fine kabuki actors performed some of their greatest shows is about to be reborn. The curtain will come down on the antiquated Kabuki-za theater in Ginza, Tokyo, with a closing ceremony Friday. The theater will be torn down and rebuilt.
新歌舞伎座のイメージ図　数々の名優たちの足跡を刻んだ舞台が生まれ変わる。東京・銀座の歌舞伎座が老朽化に伴う建て替えのため、明日の閉場式を最後に休場する。

The Kabuki-za, built with a grand architectural style evocative of the Azuchi-Momoyama period (1568-1600), has been a cultural space and distinctive landmark in central Tokyo. Many people were surely saddened to bid farewell to the venerable theater.
　壮麗な桃山風建築の劇場は、都心にあって異彩を放つ文化空間でもあった。名残を惜しむ人も多いことだろう。

The first Kabuki-za theater in Ginza was built in 1889. After the theater burned down several times, the present structure opened its doors in 1951.
　最初の歌舞伎座は１８８９年（明治２２年）に誕生した。焼失を繰り返したが、１９５１年に現在の建物がオープンした。

A new Kabuki-za building will be completed in three years as a multifunctional facility that will house a new four-story kabuki theater and a 29-story office building.
　新歌舞伎座は、４階建ての新劇場と２９階建てのオフィス棟の複合施設として３年後に完成する。

Farewell performances at the theater, which lasted for 16 months, were filled to overflowing every day.
　１６か月に及んだ歌舞伎座の「さよなら公演」は、連日超満員だった。

===

Interest reignited

Kabuki has entered a new phase of prosperity. Public performances are being well received at Shinbashi Enbujo in Tokyo, at the Minami-za in Kyoto, and at the Shochiku-za in Osaka.
歌舞伎は新たな隆盛期を迎えている。新橋演舞場や京都南座、大阪松竹座の公演も順調だ。

This marks a turnaround from about 30 to 40 years ago, when kabuki was in a slump. At that time, some people harbored grave doubts about kabuki's future.
　３０～４０年前には、歌舞伎の存続が危ぶまれる低迷期もあった。

Since the mid-1980s, however, kabuki has regained popularity. Interest in kabuki has been rekindled by performances commemorating an actor's succession to the stage name Ichikawa Danjuro--the name of the person considered to be the founder of kabuki performed in Edo (present Tokyo)--and attempts to create new styles of kabuki, starting with "super kabuki," a combination of traditional kabuki with contemporary playwrights' work and modern stage technology.
８０年代後半以降、江戸歌舞伎の元祖と言える名跡、市川団十郎の襲名披露公演の成功や、スーパー歌舞伎に始まる新しい試みなどにより人気は回復していった。

Since the 1970s, the National Theatre in Tokyo has devoted considerable resources to training kabuki actors and musicians. Those who earned their stripes at the theater are now supporting the foundations of kabuki.
　７０年以降、国立劇場でも俳優や楽器奏者らの養成に順次取り組んできた。研修修了生は、今日の歌舞伎の基盤を支えている。

Everyday terms such as "nobetsu makunashi" (without intermission), "oozume" (the final act), and "ohako" (one's specialty) originated in kabuki. This brings home again the depth of Japanese language and the aesthetic sense of the Japanese people.
　日常の会話で使われる「のべつ幕なし」「大詰め」「おはこ（十八番）」などの言葉は、歌舞伎に由来したものだ。日本語の奥行きの深さや、日本人の美意識を改めて発見することが出来る。

===

Laying the groundwork

Audiences can feel the actors' powerful performances or marvel at the elaborate stage sets all the more when they watch a show at the theater. If kabuki is performed at more local theaters while the Kabuki-za is being rebuilt, the traditional art's fan base will widen even further.
　迫力のある演技や趣向を凝らした舞台装置などは、劇場でこそ実感出来る。歌舞伎座の工事中に地方公演が増えるならば、ファンの幅はさらに広がるだろう。

Such traditional performing arts as kabuki, noh plays and ningyo-joruri bunraku puppetry are registered on UNESCO's list of intangible cultural heritages. Although kabuki's popularity stands out among these performing arts, the origins and themes of all three are inextricably linked.
　歌舞伎や能楽、人形浄瑠璃文楽などは、国連教育・科学・文化機関（ユネスコ）の無形文化遺産代表一覧リストに記載されている。歌舞伎の人気が突出しているが、成り立ちやテーマにおいて、三つの芸は深く関(かか)わりあっている。

The revised Fundamental Law of Education stipulates that educators should instill a respect for Japan's tradition and culture in their students. Accordingly, the official guidelines for middle school teaching, for instance, say, "It is important to stimulate students' interest" in such classic performing arts as noh, kyogen, kabuki and rakugo comic storytelling.
　改正教育基本法は、伝統と文化の尊重を新たな教育目標として盛り込んでいる。これを受け、例えば中学校の学習指導要領解説書は能、狂言、歌舞伎、落語なども含めた古典芸能への「関心を喚起することが大切」としている。

Increasing opportunities for children to appreciate traditional performing arts will deepen their understanding of Japanese culture.
　伝統芸の鑑賞の機会を増やしていくならば、子どもたちの日本文化への理解も深まるだろう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, April 29, 2010)
（2010年4月29日01時16分 読売新聞）

小沢氏起訴相当 「公判で真相」求めた審査会

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Apr. 29, 2010)
Panel wants truth about Ozawa uncovered
小沢氏起訴相当　「公判で真相」求めた審査会（4月28日付・読売社説）

An independent judicial panel of citizens threw down the gauntlet in challenging prosecutors who had decided not to indict Democratic Party of Japan Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa. We can only call this an exercise of the "good sense of citizens."
　民主党の小沢幹事長を「不起訴」とした検察の判断に、「善良な市民感覚」が強烈なノーを突き付けた形だ。

In a closely watched decision, the Tokyo No. 5 Committee for the Inquest of Prosecution, which comprised 11 citizens, agreed that Ozawa merits indictment over his fund management body's alleged false reporting of political funds, a step beyond a decision that would merely deem nonindictment as inappropriate.
　注目されていた検察審査会の議決は、「不起訴不当」から踏み込んで「起訴すべきだ」との結論になった。

The panel's decision reflects a clear commonsense judgment that calls for the clarification of the facts and determining where the responsibility lies as long as there are suspicions concerning Ozawa's involvement.
　小沢氏に疑わしい事実がある以上、裁判の場で事実関係と責任の所在を明らかにしてもらいたいという、極めて常識的な判断が投影されている。

As an initial step, prosecutors must reinvestigate the case thoroughly. If they decide not to indict Ozawa again, a judicial panel could decide for the second time that he merits indictment. Court-appointed lawyers could then indict him in place of prosecutors.
　検察は、まずは再捜査に全力を挙げるべきだ。
　その結果、再び不起訴でも、２回目の審査で起訴相当なら裁判所指定の弁護士による強制起訴となる。

Attention is now focused on whether prosecutors will reverse course and indict Ozawa, taking into account the panel's decision.
次の節目で検察が、議決を入れて起訴に踏み切るかどうかが注目される。

"I'm surprised by the unexpected result. I believe the prosecutors will make an appropriate judgment in the end," Ozawa said in response to the panel's decision. He should fulfill his accountability by answering the questions the panel raised.
　小沢氏は、議決を受けて「意外な結果で驚いている。検察が適正に判断すると信じている」と語った。小沢氏は審査会の指摘した疑惑については、説明責任を果たさなければならない。

===

Key to decision

The key to the panel's decision was its interpretations of a statement by House of Representatives member Tomohiro Ishikawa, who was in charge of clerical work at Ozawa's fund management organization, Rikuzan-kai, and others involved. Ishikawa has been indicted on charges of violating the Political Funds Control Law.
　審査会の判断のポイントは、小沢氏の資金管理団体「陸山会」の事務担当者だった石川知裕衆院議員（政治資金規正法違反で起訴）らの供述の評価だった。

Ishikawa told investigators of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office he had informed Ozawa of his plan not to list 400 million yen in the management organization's political funds report, and obtained Ozawa's approval. Rikuzan-kai used most of the money to purchase a plot of land in Tokyo.
　石川被告は、陸山会が東京都内の土地代金などに充てた４億円について、収支報告書に記載しない方針を小沢氏に報告、了承を得たと東京地検に供述している。

However, Ozawa denied conspiring with Ishikawa, saying: "I don't know. I approved [the report], believing that the person in charge had recorded the facts."
　これに対し小沢氏は「知らない。担当者が真実を記載したと信じ、了承した」と共謀を否定した。

The prosecutors eventually decided not to indict Ozawa, concluding that Ishikawa's statement lacked substance. However, the judicial panel disagreed, calling Ozawa's statement "unreasonable and unnatural" and "hard to believe," based on Ishikawa's statement and other evidence.
　地検は、石川供述は具体性を欠くなどとして最終的に小沢氏の起訴を見送ったが、審査会は石川供述などを基に、小沢氏の弁明を「不合理・不自然で信用できない」と言い切っている。

The panel even went on to say Ozawa had "persistently covered up" the fact that he had provided the 400 million yen so as "not to have the media kick up a fuss about it."
　しかも、小沢氏が「マスコミに騒がれないための手段」として、４億円が自らの資金であることを隠蔽(いんぺい)する「執拗(しつよう)な偽装工作」をしたとも指摘している。

The panel, therefore, sought Ozawa's indictment from a different angle than the prosecutors, who put top priority on proving a suspect's guilt.
　有罪立証を第一に考える検察官とは違う視点で起訴を求めた。

===

'Good sense' shown

The inquest panel's citizens' "good sense" was clearly shown in the following statement:
　審査会の「市民感覚」が端的に表れているのは次の部分だ。

"Is it right not to question the responsibility of politicians whenever they insist they left the matter in question to their secretaries?
"As public distrust in politics and money is growing, the case cannot be ignored from the viewpoint of citizens."
　「秘書に任せていたと言えば、政治家の責任は問われなくて良いのか」「政治家とカネにまつわる政治不信が高まっている状況下、市民目線からは許し難い」


We believe such views are shared by many people.
　これらは多くの国民にも共通した思いだろう。

During the investigation of the Rikuzan-kai case, prosecutors were criticized for leaking information to the media.
　陸山会事件では「検察リーク」などの捜査批判も起きた。

Prosecutors must not be carried away by the feelings of citizens when conducting an investigation. But they should give explanations that satisfy the public.
市民感情に流されての捜査は禁物だが、検察にも、国民が納得できる説明が求められよう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, April 28, 2010)
（2010年4月28日01時19分 読売新聞）

献金事件終結―世間の常識は納得しない

--The Asahi Shimbun, April 27
EDITORIAL: Hatoyama in the clear.
献金事件終結―世間の常識は納得しない

A prosecution inquest committee, charged with examining the decision of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office not to indict Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama over falsified political fund reports by his fund management organization, concluded Monday that the right action had been taken.
But if we were to sum up the inquest committee's thinking, it would go something like this: "The prosecutors' decision was appropriate in terms of the law and the evidence obtained, but it was not something the public at large could readily accept."
　法と証拠に照らせば不起訴は妥当だが、ふつうの市民感覚からすると釈然としないものがある。
　鳩山由紀夫首相の資金管理団体をめぐる偽装献金事件で、検察審査会の議決内容を一言で言えば、そういうことになるだろう。

Hatoyama's former state-paid aide, who was found guilty last week of falsifying political fund reports, had been in charge of managing and reporting Hatoyama's political funds. Hatoyama himself had no knowledge of the falsification and there was insufficient evidence to justify indicting the prime minister, the committee concluded.
　首相は政治資金の管理の一切を、先に有罪判決を受けた元秘書らに任せきりにしていた。収支報告書への虚偽記載も全く知らなかった。起訴するに足る証拠はないというのが結論だ。

However, the panel did question Hatoyama's statement that he had no idea his mother was funneling 15 million yen ($160,000) a month to him. "This is unthinkable for any average citizen," the panel noted.
　一方で、議決は毎月１５００万円にのぼる母からの資金提供を全く知らなかったという首相の説明に対し、「素朴な国民感情として考えがたい」と疑問を呈した。

And touching on the fact that prosecutors did not question the prime minister directly, the panel observed, "Quite a few (of the) members raised questions about the content of (the prime minister's) written statement (submitted to prosecutors), which only gave his side of the story."
　東京地検が首相の事情聴取を行わなかったことにも触れ、「（首相の）一方的な言い分にすぎない上申書の内容そのものに疑問を投げかける声が少なからずあった」とも付言した。

Hatoyama has reiterated in the Diet that he had no knowledge of the money coming from his mother. He even said that, should evidence to the contrary ever come to light, he would feel obliged to resign from the Diet.
　首相は国会でも、母からの資金提供は知らなかったと繰り返し説明してきた。もし、反する事実が明らかになれば「（国会議員の）バッジを付けている資格はない」とまで言い切った。

But in an opinion poll conducted soon afterward, more than 70 percent of respondents said they were "not convinced" by the prime minister's explanation. The prosecution inquest committee's comments were only to be expected.
　しかし、その後の世論調査でも、首相の対応に「納得できない」という回答は７０％を超えている。検察審査会の指摘も当然だろう。

We urge Hatoyama to reflect on the bleak reality that no matter how many times he may try to explain himself, he is not going to be believed by the people.
　何度説明しても国民に信用してもらえないという事実の重みを、首相はこの機会に深刻に受け止めるべきだ。

He has simply got to change his ways if he wants to be believed. For instance, he should comply with the opposition camp's demand that his former aide and others testify in the Diet as a sworn witness. And if necessary, he should also ask his mother and senior officials of the Hatoyama family's asset management company to testify publicly.
　これまでのようなやり方では到底、納得は得られまい。野党が求める元秘書らの証人喚問に応じる。場合によれば、母や鳩山家の資産管理会社の幹部にも公の場で証言してもらう。

Without making such sincere and probably painful efforts, it would be difficult for Hatoyama to recover his credibility.
　そうした身を切るような努力なくして、ここまで落ちた信頼を回復するのは難しい。

When a politician's accountant is found to have falsified a fund report, the current Political Fund Control Law provides that the politician is to be held responsible if he or she "failed to pay due attention" to both the "appointment" and "supervision" of the accountant.
　現行の政治資金規正法では、会計責任者が虚偽記載をした場合、政治家本人まで責任を問われるのは、会計責任者の「選任」と「監督」双方に「相当の注意を怠ったとき」とされる。

On this issue, the committee pointed out the necessity of amending the law, noting, "It goes against society's common sense to exempt a politician from criminal responsibility so long as the politician appointed (the accountant) appropriately, even if he or she failed to supervise the accountant properly."
　この点についても、検察審査会の議決は「選任さえ問題なければ監督不十分でも刑事責任に問われないというのは、世間一般の常識に合致していない」と、法改正の必要性を指摘した。

In fact, this provision saved former Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto from prosecution in 2004 after it was revealed that his Liberal Democratic Party faction had falsified a political fund report to conceal a 100-million-yen donation it had received.
　かつて自民党旧橋本派の１億円献金隠し事件の際も、この規定が壁になって、橋本龍太郎元首相の責任が問われなかった。

It may be impractical to seek unlimited responsibility of politicians for supervising their accountants. But it is also perfectly natural for the public at large to sense the injustice of punishing only the accountant and not holding the politician accountable. Along with banning corporate and group donations, we want the ruling and opposition parties to hold thorough suprapartisan discussions on the issue. We expect the prime minister to lead the way.
　監督責任を際限なく求めることは難しいかもしれないが、政治家本人が全く不問に付されるのはおかしいという市民感覚はごく真っ当なものだろう。企業・団体献金の禁止とともに、与野党で議論を深めてほしい。首相はその先頭に立つべきだ。

The prosecution inquest committee's decision spells the end of investigations into Hatoyama's political fund scandal. But the prime minister cannot escape political responsibility.
　今回の議決で捜査は終結しても、首相はその政治責任から逃れることはできない。

不起訴相当議決 首相は審査会の指摘に応えよ

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Apr. 28, 2010)
Hatoyama must answer inquest panel's questions
不起訴相当議決　首相は審査会の指摘に応えよ（4月27日付・読売社説）

An inquest panel recently decided it was appropriate for prosecutors not to indict Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama over false records of political donations compiled by his fund-management organization. However, Hatoyama should not mistakenly think this has allowed him to completely escape the scandal over falsified political donations. We would like to ask the prime minister to carefully read the report compiled by the Tokyo No. 4 Committee for the Inquest of Prosecution.
　鳩山首相は、検察審査会の「不起訴処分は妥当」の結論に、「これで逃げ切れた」などと勘違いしてはいけない。首相には議決書をじっくり読んでみてほしい。

Hatoyama continually said he knew nothing about the falsification of the political fund reports and the huge amount of money provided by his mother. However, the panel questioned this, saying the natural feeling of ordinary citizens was that such a situation was unthinkable. Most of the public will probably have the same doubts.
　政治資金収支報告書への虚偽記載と、母親からの巨額の資金提供を「知らなかった」と言い続ける首相に、審査会は「素朴な国民感情として、考えがたい」と疑問を呈した。国民の大多数が抱く疑念と同じだろう。

It is the prime minister's duty to answer that question as well as to explain the use of his political funds. This should be considered separately from whether he is criminally liable.
　資金の使途と合わせ、説明責任を果たすのは首相の義務であり、刑事責任とは別の問題である。

===

Hatoyama's claim doubted

In its report, the panel explained what caused Hatoyama's former first state-funded secretary to begin falsifying the political fund reports.
　虚偽記載のきっかけについて、審査会は次のように認定した。

Hatoyama's organization became totally dependent on the prime minster's personal funds after donations from companies and labor unions to political fund management organizations were prohibited by law in 2000.
　２０００年に企業や労働組合などから資金管理団体への寄付が禁止され、首相の団体も首相個人の資金頼みの状態になった。

"Don't always rely on my money," Hatoyama was quoted as telling the former secretary. "I want you to raise funds on your own."
　首相は秘書に「いつも私のお金を頼るんじゃなくて、ちゃんと資金を集めろ」と苦言を呈した。

Hatoyama's complaint prompted the former secretary to start falsifying records of political donations by padding contributions from individuals and revenues from fund-raising parties, the report said.
そのため秘書が、個人献金やパーティー収入の水増し分の虚偽記載に走った、というものである。

Hatoyama told the former secretary to raise funds by himself, but the prime minister must have understood how difficult that would be.
　指示はしたものの、資金集めが容易ではないことくらい、首相もわかっていただろう。

Meanwhile, Hatoyama's provision of money to the fund organization has decreased drastically every year since his organization began receiving political funds of 15 million yen a month--180 million yen annually--from his own mother. Given these circumstances, Hatoyama's claim to have known nothing is hardly convincing, the panel said. This logic is strongly persuasive.
　一方で、母親から毎月１５００万円、年間１億８０００万円もの資金が入るようになって、首相個人の拠出額は年々、極端に減っていく。それなのに「知らなかった」では通るまい――。審査会のこの論法は実に説得力がある。

Also, some members of the public suspected the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office of giving special consideration to the government when it did not directly question Hatoyama and instead let him submit a written report about the issue.
　東京地検が首相本人の聴取をせず、上申書の提出で済ませたことも当時、政権に特別の配慮をしたのではないかと憶測を呼んだ。

Quite a few members of the inquest panel reportedly questioned the contents of Hatoyama's written report. In other words, they may have said prosecutors' investigations were insufficient.
　審査会では、上申書の内容そのものを疑う意見が少なからず出たという。裏返せば、地検の捜査不十分を指摘したのではないか。

===

Panel seeks tougher law

It is also noteworthy that the panel proposed revisions of the current Political Funds Control Law, saying its provisions are very advantageous for politicians.
　今の政治資金規正法を「政治家に都合のよい規定」だとして、改正を求めた点にも着目したい。

Representatives of political fund organizations are held accountable for violations of the law if they do not pay proper attention to the appointment and supervision of the people responsible for the organizations' accounting. However, there must be neglect of not only one, but both appointment and supervision to constitute a violation.
　政治団体の代表者は、会計責任者の「選任及び監督」について注意を怠ると、規正法違反に問われる。しかし、どちらか一方ではなく両方であることが要件だ。

This is why the prime minister, who was found not to be at fault regarding the former secretary's appointment, was not charged with criminal liability.
　「選任」について問題なしとされた首相が、刑事責任を問われなかったのはこのためだ。

New Komeito has already submitted to the current Diet session a bill to revise the law so that people who neglect either appointment or supervision can be held criminally responsible. However, discussions on the bill have not proceeded very far because members of some parties feel it is too strict or that prosecutors would misuse the revised law.
　公明党は、どちらか一方を怠れば責任を問えるようにする改正案を国会に提出している。しかし、各党には「厳しすぎる」「検察が乱用する」といった異論もあり、議論は進んでいない。

It is common sense among ordinary people for superiors at private companies to take responsibility for supervising their subordinates, according to the panel.
　企業では部下の監督責任を上司が問われる。それが世間一般の常識だと審査会は言う。

We would like the panel's opinion to be applied to discussions about revising the law based on the will of the public.
民意を汲(く)んだ法改正論議につなげたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, April 27, 2010)
（2010年4月27日01時13分 読売新聞）

余録：歌舞伎座の千穐楽

Kanji highlights kabuki's fiery history
余録：歌舞伎座の千穐楽

The Japanese word used to describe the final day of a show or sumo tournament includes the kanji character for autumn, the right side of which means "fire." But when talking about the final day of a kabuki show, the symbol for "fire" is replaced for one meaning "turtle."
Avoidance of the "fire" symbol apparently comes from the fact that in the Edo period, when it was common for fires to break out at theaters, people wanted to avoid any reference to flames. Conversely, the variant character that used the symbol for "turtle" had an auspicious ring to it.
　歌舞伎で千秋楽を「千穐楽」と書くのは、小屋の火事が多かった江戸時代、縁起をかつぎ「火」という文字を避けたからという。秋の異体字に穐があって「亀」ならめでたいという事情もあった

Looking back at the history of kabuki theaters, it's no wonder people wanted to avoid seeing a character meaning "fire." During a 23-year period spanning the Genroku and Kyoho eras in Japan, around the late 17th and early 18th centuries, the Nakamura-za and Ichimura-za theaters in Tokyo's Nihonbashi burned down a combined nine times -- roughly once every 2 1/2 years on average. During the mid-Edo period, fires broke out roughly once every six years on average, a figure that makes one wonder how the performances managed to continue.
▲たとえば日本橋の中村座と市村座は元禄から享保年間までの２３年間に９度全焼した。何と２年半に１度の割合だ。江戸中期を通算しても約６年に１度の割で全焼しており、よく芝居ができたものだと思える頻度である。これでは「火」の文字を見るのもいやになろう

In 1889 the Kabuki-za, the main theater in Tokyo for kabuki performances, was built. However, the structure did not have a long lifespan; 22 years later it underwent major reconstruction. Another 10 years after this, the second incarnation of the theater burned down in a fire caused by an electricity short circuit. An earthquake hampered reconstruction efforts before the third Kabuki-za building appeared. Misfortune followed another 20 years later, when the theater was heavily damaged in bombing during World War II. A fourth Kabuki-za theater was built and remains standing today.
▲明治に歌舞伎座ができてからも、戦前の建物の寿命は長くなかった。１８８９年にできた初代歌舞伎座は２２年後に大改修され、その２代目も１０年後に漏電で焼失する。震災での工事中断を経て完成した３代目も２０年後には戦災で焼け、今の劇場は戦後建てた４代目だ

Now plans are under way to demolish the current Kabuki-za, and build a new theater and 29-story building on the premises, scheduled to open in 2013. Kabuki fans sorry to see the current theater go have flocked to farewell performances, the last of which will be held on Wednesday. A closing ceremony will be held Friday, bringing the curtains down on 60 decades of performances -- the longest span for a kabuki theater by far.
▲名残を惜しむファンで大入りが続いたさよなら公演も、明日が千穐楽となった歌舞伎座である。３０日に閉場式が行われ、歌舞伎の劇場としては断トツの長寿となる６０年の歴史に幕が下りる。３年後には２９階建てのオフィスビルを併設した５代目に生まれ変わるという

In the theater one can feel the aura of the great performances that have been staged there since the Showa era. The fifth incarnation of the theater will apparently have a facade built in the traditional Momoyama style of architecture, which will no doubt produce within many visitors fond memories of the brilliance and warmth that existed inside the old theater. It seems that the absorption of such memories into a new structure -- a process that goes back to the Edo period -- is kabuki's destiny.
▲何しろ昭和と平成の名演の霊気がしみこんだ劇場だ。５代目に継承されるという桃山風の正面外観も、華やぎとぬくもりをたたえた場内の空気も、いとおしく思い起こす方は多かろう。そんな思いをのみこんでいく劇場の代替わりは江戸以来の歌舞伎の宿命だろうか

When the current Kabuki-za theater opened, the late novelist and playwright Mantaro Kubota (1889-1963) wrote the following haiku highlighting the theater's history:
"Tokyo no / Mattadanaka no / Kasumi kana" (A haze, right in the middle of Tokyo).
▲「東京のまッたゞなかのかすみかな」。久保田万太郎が今の歌舞伎座のこけら落としで詠んだ句である。

The spring haze that has wrapped itself around performances of famous kabuki actors and the lively cheers from the audience are sure to maintain a strong presence in the minds of Kabuki-za's visitors.
数々の名優の舞台や、大向こうのかけ声を包み込んだ春がすみは人の記憶の中で輝き続ける。

("Yoroku," a front-page column in the Mainichi Shimbun)
(Mainichi Japan) April 27, 2010
毎日新聞　2010年4月27日　0時16分

沖縄県民大会―基地を全国の問題として

--The Asahi Shimbun, April 26
EDITORIAL: Rally in Okinawa.
沖縄県民大会―基地を全国の問題として

The stock excuse seems to be that it's a problem in faraway Okinawa Prefecture that has little to do with us. That's rubbish.
　遠い沖縄での出来事であり、身近なことではない。そのようにしてやり過ごすわけにはいかない。

A mass rally was held Sunday in Okinawa to demand the removal of the Futenma U.S. airfield from the prefecture, or out of the country altogether. According to the organizers, 90,000 people attended.
　米海兵隊普天間飛行場の「県外・国外」への移設を求める沖縄県民大会が、９万人の参加（主催者発表）のもとで開かれた。

"To everyone in the country, the Okinawa base problem is not just an Okinawa problem," Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima thundered at the rally. His message was this: Japan's national security affects each and every one of us and the issue is directly linked to the existence of U.S. bases in Okinawa. This means that people living outside of Okinawa should think about the burden borne by those residing in the midst of those bases.
　「全国の皆さん、沖縄の基地問題は沖縄だけの問題ではありません」
　大会で沖縄県の仲井真弘多知事は、そう訴えた。日本の安全保障、つまり私たち国民一人ひとりの安全が沖縄の米軍基地の存在と、そしてそれを受け入れてきた沖縄県民の負担と、じかにつながっているのだという叫びである。このことを私たちは大会を機に改めて深くかみ締めなければならない。

Every Japanese citizen benefits from the Japan-U.S. alliance, which is the main pillar in Japan's security policy. While U.S. bases that support the alliance are dispersed widely--Misawa in Aomori Prefecture, Yokosuka in Kanagawa Prefecture, Iwakuni in Yamaguchi Prefecture, Sasebo in Nagasaki Prefecture, etc.--75 percent of the facilities are concentrated in Okinawa Prefecture.
　日本の安保政策の重要な柱である日米同盟の受益者は、日本国民すべてである。同盟を支える米軍基地は三沢、横須賀、岩国、佐世保など各地に散在するが、７５％は沖縄に集中している。

American logic dictates that if the two countries are to continue monitoring North Korea's nuclear capability or the Sino-Taiwan situation, then the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Ginowan to a new site within Okinawa Prefecture would be the rational military move.
　核実験をした北朝鮮や台湾問題をにらむなら、普天間の県内移設が軍事的に合理的だというのが米国の論理だ。

Because of the high concentration of bases, Okinawans are forced to live with an inordinately high risk of accidents, as well as intolerable noise levels. Their burden is totally disproportionate to the load carried elsewhere. It is no wonder that Okinawans feel a "sense of injustice, as if being discriminated against," as Nakaima has said.
　しかし、基地の沖縄集中がもたらす事故の危険や騒音は並大抵ではない。度を越している。県民が「不公平、差別に近い印象」（仲井真氏）を持つのも当然である。

The entire nation benefits, yet it is Okinawa that bears the brunt of the burden. This glaring discrepancy infuriates Okinawans and was the trigger behind Sunday's mass rally.
　全国民が受益し、沖縄県だけが負担する。まぎれもない落差への憤りが、沖縄の人々を大会へと突き動かした。

With the end-of-May deadline for a "solution" to the Futenma issue drawing near, the Hatoyama administration shows no sign of having a substantive plan. By rights, the proposal to reduce Okinawa's burden and share it more equitably over the entire nation, and to search for a possible relocation site outside the prefecture, is not wrong.
　「決着」の期限が５月末に迫る中、普天間移設問題に取り組む鳩山政権は確たる政府案を示すこともないまま、いまだに迷走を続けている。
　もとより、沖縄県の負担を減らし、できるだけ国民全体で分かち合おう、「県外移設」を模索しようとの提起は間違っていない。

But in the face of such an overwhelmingly difficult issue, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has gone about things in a totally ill-prepared manner. Despite having said he has a plan in mind, there is no knowing whether there is any substance to the remark. Although Hatoyama tried to seek negotiations with the island of Tokunoshima in Kagoshima Prefecture, the local mayors gave him the cold shoulder. Negotiations with the U.S. government during the past seven months have also been totally out of sync.
　しかし、問題の難しさに比して鳩山由紀夫首相の運び方はあまりに拙劣である。「腹案」があると言ってみたものの、中身があるのかないのかわからない。鹿児島県徳之島との協議の道を探ったものの、地元の町長から「門前払い」を食わされる。この７カ月余、米政府との協議もまるでちぐはぐだ。

We do not expect the government to disclose every single detail of diplomatic negotiations when another party is involved. But from what we have seen, the prime minister seems to be doing nothing other than repeating half-baked attempts to beat the deadline. There is little time left. If the option to relocate the base "outside the prefecture" is not going to bear fruit, then the nation will have no recourse but to have Okinawa bear the burden--for the time being.
　相手のある交渉事をすべてガラス張りにすることはできない相談だろう。しかし、首相は迫る期限に追い立てられ、苦し紛れの対応を繰り返しているようにしか見えない。
　もはや時間は限られている。「県外」への道が開けなければ、当面は沖縄に負担を担ってもらわざるをえなくなってしまう。

The prime minister should offer the nation an explanation. He should explain what the government has done to try to move the base outside the prefecture and what it discussed with the United States about the intersection between our security needs and taking care of citizens living near the base. What does Washington think should be done about Okinawa's future burden.
　首相は今、全国民に一度きちんと説明すべきである。県外移設にどう取り組んできたのか。安全保障上の要請と基地周辺の住民への配慮との接点を、米国とどう話し合ってきたのか。今後の沖縄負担をどう考えていくのか。

Without a proper explanation, the administration's proposal to have the entire nation share the burden loses all appeal.
　でないと負担を国民全体で分かち合おうとの提起さえも色あせてしまう。

風知草：ハイウエーの憂うつ＝山田孝男

Confusion over highway tolls the latest drama by bungling Hatoyama gov't
風知草：ハイウエーの憂うつ＝山田孝男

The rift between Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Minister Seiji Maehara and Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary-General Ichiro Ozawa is a wide-open secret. And while the discord between the two appeared to flare up over the issue of highway tolls last week, there were plenty of goings-on prior to the recent spat.
　前原誠司と小沢一郎の不仲は公然の秘密である。先週、高速道路の通行料をめぐって火花が散ったが、ドラマには隠された前編があった。

On the afternoon of Dec. 24, 2009, a secret meeting took place at the Prime Minister's Office. The main actors in attendance were Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano, Maehara, and Ozawa's right-hand man, DPJ Senior Vice Secretary General Yoshimitsu Takashima.
　昨年１２月２４日午後、首相官邸で首相動静には載らない秘密会合が開かれた。主な出席者は首相、官房長官、国土交通相（前原）と小沢の腹心・高嶋良充民主党副幹事長である。

In a petition submitted earlier to the prime minister, Ozawa had appealed for a change in the toll discount system so that funds left over as a result could be used toward the construction of new highways -- undoubtedly as a ploy to secure the DPJ's victory in the upcoming Upper House election.
　小沢は、あらかじめ首相に提出した要望書で、料金割引制度の設計を変更し、浮いたカネで高速道路の建設を促進するよう求めていた。言わずもがな、参院選対策である。

The purpose of the December meeting was to confirm the government's intention over the party's request. In the written agreement was a section that said: "the national government will provide support to expressway companies" with regards to future maintenance and development of highways. This could be interpreted as an obligation of the government to pump public funds into the construction of unprofitable roads.
　会合の目的は党の要望に対する政府の意思確認だった。合意文書案の中に、今後の高速道路整備では「国が高速道路会社に対し支援する」というくだりがあった。不採算路線でも税金をつぎ込む、と読める。

Takashima pressed the other participants to sign the agreement, but Maehara refused and left the meeting. Hirano and Takashima signed.
高嶋が署名を促したが、前原は拒んで席を立った。署名は官房長官と副幹事長がした。

The DPJ took over the reins of government with the promise to realize toll-free highways. In the face of current financial difficulties, however, this has yet to be realized. The government has instituted free tolls in limited areas as "social experiments" meant to illuminate the effects of toll-free highways, but these have turned to be pitiful in magnitude due to inadequate funds. If the DPJ-led government were to begin building unprofitable roads now, it would be taking back its election platform to value "people above concrete."
　民主党の公約は「高速道路は原則無料化」だが、財政難には勝てない。部分実施の「社会実験」で影響を探ることにしたが、その実験も予算不足でチャチなものになった。まして不採算路線建設なら「コンクリートから人へ」の看板が泣く。

Maehara reluctantly began preparing a law amendment that would funnel funds from the discount system to the construction of roads. A mercilessly scaled-back toll-free experiment was announced on Feb. 2. The planned replacement of the 1,000-yen maximum toll with a maximum 2,000-yen one was announced on April 9.
　前原はしぶしぶ、料金割引の財源を道路建設に回すための法改正を準備した。無残に縮小された無料化実験路線の発表が２月２日。「上限１０００円」の通行料割引をやめ、「上限２０００円」にするという発表が４月９日である。

Part two of the drama began on April 21 with Ozawa's visit to the Prime Minister's Office for an official discussion with ruling coalition leaders, Hatoyama, and Hirano. "A raise in tolls is unacceptable," barked Ozawa. Maehara was not in attendance.
　ドラマの後編は先週２１日、小沢が官邸に乗り込む場面から始まった。与党幹部と首相、官房長官との公式協議だ。「値上げはダメだ」と小沢がほえた。前原はいなかった。

According to the current toll discount that was developed during the reign of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and Komeito coalition government, there is a 1,000-yen cap on weekend and holiday tolls for ETC-equipped cars. From June, however, Maehara says the toll cap will be raised to 2,000 yen for all days of the week for all cars -- including those without ETCs.
　自公政権で始まった今の通行料割引は、普通車の場合、「ＥＴＣ（自動料金収受システム）搭載なら、休日に限り、どこまで走っても１０００円」だ。それが６月から「ＥＴＣなしでも、休日でも平日でも、上限２０００円」になる。

The new toll system would make long-distance travel on weekdays feel comparatively cheaper, but at the same time increase the burden for cars traveling shorter distances. Small trucking companies that mostly serve limited areas expressed strong opposition to the plan. And with the House of Councillors election expected to take place in July, DPJ legislators began making noise, which led Ozawa to take action.
　参院選は７月。新料金は、平日の長距離利用で割安感が出る半面、近距離利用は負担が増える。近場で稼ぐ中小のトラック業者の間に反発が広がった。民主党の国会議員が騒ぎだし、小沢が動いた。

Ozawa's actions could be consistent or not, depending on how you look at them. On one hand, the new toll system came into being because of Ozawa's push for highway construction even if it meant shaving money off of funds allotted for toll discounts. To criticize the new plan obviously contradicts this.
　小沢の言動は、一方から見れば矛盾しており、他方から見れば一貫している。新料金は「料金割引の財源を削ってでも高速道路をつくれ」という小沢の意向から生まれた。自ら覆すのは矛盾に違いない。

One the other hand, however, Ozawa has consistently placed priority on elections more than anything else. Through last year's regime change, Ozawa had won over the Japan Trucking Association. But it would all be for naught if it does not translate into more votes for the DPJ in the Upper House election. This is all that concerns Ozawa.
　だが、選挙至上主義という点では一貫している。小沢は政権交代を通じてトラック協会を味方につけた。せっかくの仕掛けも参院選で動かなければ意味がない。小沢はその一点だけを見つめている。

The day after Ozawa visited the Prime Minister's Office, Maehara also met with Hatoyama, where he received the prime minister's approval for his intention "at this point" not to review the new toll plan. The fact that Maehara used the words "at this point" has some observers predicting that he will eventually give in to Ozawa and call off the June toll change.
　ドラマは終わっていない。小沢が官邸を訪れた翌日、前原も首相に会い、「現時点では（新料金は）見直さない」と伝えて了承を得た。「現時点では」と断るからには、いずれ小沢に屈するのだろう、６月の料金変更も見送りではないかという観測が流れている。

In the never-ending drama being played out by the bungling Hatoyama government, the latest confusion over highways has served as new fodder for the media.
　高速道路をめぐる混乱は、何も決まらない「鳩山劇場」のサエない新ネタとしてマスコミをにぎわせている。

Is the election-mindedness of the exceptionally "iron-armed" secretary-general a glimmer of hope for the revitalization of Japan, or a delusion of someone in power?
　例外的に果断な剛腕幹事長の選挙至上主義は日本再生の希望か、権力掌握の妄執か。

There is a possibility that on Tuesday, a Prosecution Inquest Committee will rule on prosecutors' earlier decision not to indict Ozawa on charges of violating the Political Funds Control Law. The drama continues. (By Takao Yamada, Expert Senior Writer)
週明けの２７日、検察審査会が、政治資金規正法違反事件をめぐる小沢の不起訴処分の当否を判断する可能性がある。政界の緊張が高まっている。（敬称略）（毎週月曜日掲載）

(Mainichi Japan) April 26, 2010
毎日新聞　2010年4月26日　東京朝刊

医療の人手不足 外国人の就労制限撤廃は当然

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Apr. 27, 2010)
Foreign nurses deserve helping hand
医療の人手不足　外国人の就労制限撤廃は当然（4月26日付・読売社説）

Given the serious shortage of medical and nursing care workers and nurses, lifting certain restrictions so qualified foreigners in these fields can apply their skills in this country is an obvious solution.
　医療や介護の人手不足は深刻だ。資格を持つ外国人の就労制限をなくすのは当然と言えよう。

In its fourth basic immigration control policy plan compiled late last month, the Justice Ministry stated it would reexamine the mandatory limit on the length of time foreign nurses and dentists can work in Japan when they hold residential status.
　法務省が先月末に策定した第４次出入国管理基本計画に、医療分野の在留資格で看護師や歯科医師として働く外国人に課している就労年数制限の見直しが明記された。

Even if non-Japanese qualify to work as a nurse or dentist after passing state exams, they are not permitted to work here for more than seven years and six years, respectively. A four-year limit is imposed on public health nurses and midwives.
　外国人の場合、日本の国家試験に合格して免許を取得しても、看護師は７年、歯科医師は６年を超えて日本で働き続けることができない。保健師や助産師にも４年までの制限がある。

Many foreigners with such qualifications desire to continue working in Japan beyond the set limits. Their aspirations are rightful in view of the fact that they have passed national exams and conquered the Japanese language barrier.
　日本で働き続けたいと希望する外国人は多い。日本語能力のハンデを乗り越えて試験に合格したのだから、正当な要望だろう。

The limits on working years for non-Japanese were mostly probably introduced out of concern that Japanese might be deprived of working opportunities. The restrictions have been criticized as excessive for years. The time limit for foreign doctors was dropped four years ago.
　就労年数制限は、日本人の雇用に影響を及ぼすことを懸念して設けられた側面が強い。以前から過剰な規制との批判があり、医師については４年前に撤廃された。

===

Speed up ordinances' review

The ministry plans to revise relevant ordinances to abolish time restrictions on all remaining medical professions, including nurses. This is a necessary corrective step. We want the ministry to accelerate its work on revising these ordinances.
　法務省は省令を改正し、看護師など残る職種すべての制限を撤廃するという。必要な是正である。改正作業を急いでほしい。

The ministry's fourth basic immigration control plan incorporates a policy to study accepting foreigners in the nursing care field on condition they graduate from universities in Japan and pass state exams.
　基本計画は、日本国内の大学卒業と国家試験の合格を条件に、介護分野でも外国人の受け入れを検討することを盛り込んだ。

The population of elderly people requiring nursing care is growing at an ever-quickening pace. The nation has about 1.24 million nursing care workers today; estimates suggest the nation will need almost double that number in 2025.
　介護を受ける高齢者は加速度的に増加する。約１２４万人の介護職員は、２０２５年にはほぼ２倍必要になると推計されている。

Meanwhile, many Japanese who have earned qualifications as care workers then opt to work in another field. The physical and emotional demands of a career in nursing care, combined with the low pay, often are too much to bear.
　一方、介護福祉士の資格を持ちながら働いていない日本人が数多くいる。心身ともに大変な仕事であるのに報酬が低いためだ。


To alleviate the manpower shortage in nursing care, the first step is to improve the working environment for Japanese. However, there is a limit to just how quickly the ranks of Japanese nursing care workers can be increased. Because of this, opening the door to foreign nursing care givers is the right decision.
　人手不足解消のためには、まず日本人の労働環境の改善に努めるべきだが、日本人職員を急激に増やすのは限界がある。介護分野でも外国人の受け入れに道を開くのは、妥当な判断といえる。

Remove language barrier

More help also should be extended to the people from Indonesia and the Philippines whom Japan has been accepting as candidates to work as certified nurses and care workers based on economic partnership agreements with the two countries.
　インドネシア、フィリピンとの経済連携協定（ＥＰＡ）に基づいて受け入れている看護師・介護福祉士希望者への対応も必要だ。

National exams for nurses and nursing care workers are dotted with difficult kanji. Last month, 254 foreigners took the exam for nurses, but only three passed.
　試験問題に難解な漢字が頻出することもあり、先月の看護師試験でも、受験した２５４人のうち合格者は３人にとどまった。

Indonesian and Philippine examinees have acquired licenses and expertise as nurses and nursing care workers in their home countries. Considering that the pass rate for Japanese examinees stands at nearly 90 percent, the extremely low success rate for foreign examinees can be most probably be attributed to the kanji barrier.
　彼らは母国で資格を取り、看護や介護に必要な知識を身につけている人たちだ。日本人の合格者が９割近いことを考えると、合格率が極端に低いのは漢字が障壁となっているのは間違いあるまい。

The Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry is reexamining the content of national tests. The revisions include replacing difficult terms with easier ones, such as "jokuso" with "tokozure" to mean bedsores.
　厚生労働省も試験の見直しに着手し、「褥瘡(じょくそう)」は「床ずれ」という具合に、平易な表現に言い換えることを検討している。

We welcome this move. But the ministry should go a step further and print kana readings alongside kanji and allow examinees to use dictionaries in their exams.
歓迎できる動きだ。漢字にルビを振ることや、辞書の持ち込みを認めるなどさらに工夫を図ってほしい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun,April 26, 2010)
（2010年4月26日01時23分 読売新聞）

香山リカのココロの万華鏡：新聞、読んでますか ／東京

Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Do you read the paper?
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：新聞、読んでますか　／東京

Japanese young people's drift away from the newspaper is apparently getting serious. With the Internet spread so widely, many people are now getting their news through their PCs or mobile phones. Particularly those living alone look to save on subscription fees, which I can understand.
　若者の「新聞離れ」が深刻なのだという。これだけネットが普及すると、ニュースは携帯電話やパソコンで見る、という人も少なくないだろう。とくにひとり暮らしだと、購読料を節約したくなる気持ちもわかる。

However, this slow separation from newspapers has given rise to one problem for me as a psychiatrist, though it is a small one. The problem is, I can no longer use patients' answers to the question: "Do you have the energy every morning to read the newspaper?" as an indicator that those whom I suspect may have depression actually do.
　しかし、この「新聞離れ」により、精神科医の私にもちょっとした問題が生じている。それは、うつ病を疑ったときに患者さんにする「毎朝、新聞を開く元気はあるでしょうか」という質問が使えなくなった、ということだ。

If I ask patients if they read the newspaper and they say, "No, never," I conclude that their motivation and energy have declined, and they may be clinically depressed. Recently, however, more patients tell me that they don't subscribe in the first place, or that they haven't been reading a newspaper since well before their visit to my office.
　「新聞、読んでますか」ときいて、「いえ、まったく」という答えが返ってくると、「意欲やエネルギーがずいぶん低下しているな。これはうつ病の可能性アリだ」と判断する。ところが最近は、「もともと新聞は取ってません」「新聞を読まないのは以前からです」などと言われることが増えた。

I'm sure there are many people who would say, "Instead, why don't you ask your patients if they check the news on a mobile phone or some such?" But I feel the energy needed to scan the news digitally is a little different than that needed to open and read a paper.
　かわりに「携帯電話などでニュースはチェックしていますか」ときけばいいじゃないか、と思う人もいるかもしれないが、それと新聞とでは必要とするエネルギーが微妙に違う気がするのだ。

For example, there are services that automatically display the latest news on mobile phone screens. In that case, a user can do absolutely nothing and still get the news.
　たとえば携帯電話には、画面に自働的に最新ニュースが表示されるというサービスもある。それなら、こちらは積極的に何もしなくても、勝手にニュースが目に飛び込んでくる。

A newspaper, on the other hand, doesn't work like that. First off, one has to go to the front door to get it, then sit down somewhere and, finally, open the broadsheet, search for interesting headlines, and lean over the big pages to read stories in that tiny print. Without quite a bit of positive energy to start the day, the act of reading a newspaper just doesn't get done. So, if patients say they try to read the paper, that's evidence that they still have at least some drive and energy.
　ところが、新聞となるとそうはいかない。まず玄関のポストから取ってきて、それを机や畳の上に置いて、それから「よっこらしょ」とあの大きな紙をめくり、興味のある見出しがあれば、身を乗り出してあの小さな活字を読もうとする。かなりの積極性やエネルギーがなければ、「新聞を読む」という行為は成り立たない。だから、「毎朝、一応、新聞は読むことにしている」というのは、それだけで一定の元気、意欲がある、という証になるのだ。

But hold on, I think to myself. If young people in general are abandoning newspapers, it may not be just because of the Internet or the need to be thrifty. It may be because young people now have less energy and just can't summon the will to read things like newspapers. If that is the case, then this is a serious problem indeed.
　いや、待てよ、と私は考えた。若者全体に「新聞離れ」が起きているとしたら、それは単にネットの普及や節約だけが理由なのではなくて、そもそもエネルギーが低下していてとても新聞なんか読む気になれない、という若者が増えた、ということなのではないか。だとしたら、これはとても深刻なことだ。

If I can't ask patients if they are reading newspapers as a check for depression, what can I ask instead? "Are you writing a blog?" or "Are you posting to Twitter?" These questions just don't seem to strike home.
　新聞、読んでますか。うつ病チェックにこの質問が使えなくなりつつある今、それにかわる質問は何だろう。「ブログ、書いてますか」とか「ツイッターでつぶやいてますか」なのだろうか。どれもピンとこない。

I suppose I think the newspaper question is still best, but perhaps that's just because I'm from a bygone era. (By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
　やっぱり「新聞…」の質問がいちばんピッタリくるのだが、それは私が古い時代の人間だからなのだろうか。

(Mainichi Japan) April 25, 2010
毎日新聞　2010年4月20日　地方版

仕分け第２弾 中長期の戦略的視点が重要だ

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Apr. 26, 2010)
Govt must avoid haste when trimming waste
仕分け第２弾　中長期の戦略的視点が重要だ（4月25日付・読売社説）

It is crucial to thoroughly cut the wasteful use of taxpayer money by independent administrative institutions. However, medium- and long-term strategic perspectives are most important and should never take a backseat to a short-term cost-effectiveness view.
　独立行政法人の税金の無駄遣いを徹底して削減することは無論、大切である。しかし、目先の費用対効果にこだわるあまり、より重要な戦略的視点を忘れてはなるまい。

The Government Revitalization Unit, which is tasked with cutting wasteful public spending, on Friday began its second round of discussions to screen state-funded programs.
　政府の行政刷新会議が、事業仕分けの第２弾の作業を開始した。

During the four-day round, the unit will scrutinize 151 programs at 47 independent administrative institutions that are under the jurisdiction of the Cabinet Office and nine ministries, which are among the 104 such institutions overseen by the government. The panel will judge whether the programs should, for example, either be abolished, have their budgets reduced, or be transferred to private organizations or local governments.
４日間にわたり、１０４の独法のうち、１０府省が所管する４７法人の１５１事業を対象に、「廃止」「縮減」「民間移管」「地方移管」などを判定する。

On Friday, the first day, panel members called for budget cuts and a review of the management structure of Okinawa Institute of Science and Technology, saying the institute has been spending too much on office expenses in connection with the opening of its planned graduate school and on employee salaries.
　初日は、沖縄科学技術研究基盤整備機構について、大学院大学の開校準備の事務経費や職員給与が多すぎるとして、予算の縮減と管理運営体制の見直しを求めた。

On the Japan International Cooperation Agency, which is charge of dispatching Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers and providing the government's official development assistance to other countries, the reviewers concluded JICA needs to further cut employee salaries, overseas allowances and travel expenses. The panel also judged that JICA should return its unused assets to state coffers.
　青年海外協力隊の派遣や政府開発援助（ＯＤＡ）を実施する国際協力機構（ＪＩＣＡ）については、職員給与や在外手当、旅費の一層の節減、不要資産の国庫返納などが必要と結論づけた。

===

Cozy relationships

It is an urgent task to review the cozy relationship among government ministries, independent administrative institutions and other corporations. Currently, in a practice known as amakudari, retiring bureaucrats parachute into positions at independent administrative institutions that have relationships with their former offices, or officials of independent administrative institutions take jobs at related companies and corporations after retirement. In return, independent administrative institutions, companies and corporations receive orders for programs with favorable conditions in the form of discretionary contracts, or they receive subsidies.
　所管府省から独法、あるいは独法から関連企業・法人にＯＢが天下りする。その見返りに、独法や企業・法人は、随意契約などで有利な条件で事業を受注したり、補助金を受け取ったりする。こうした癒着の見直しは急務だ。

In cases where similar programs are being carried out by separate independent administrative institutions or by the institutions and local governments, abolishing or integrating the institutions or transferring the programs to local governments would help implement programs more efficiently and correct redundant administrative efforts.
　独法同士または独法と自治体が類似した事業を行っている場合、独法を統廃合し、事業を地方に移管すれば、事業の効率化や二重行政の是正に役立つだろう。

Meanwhile, the unit should be cautious about reform that is mere number-juggling, namely integrating or abolishing science and technology research and development corporations without thorough consideration.
　一方で、科学技術の研究開発法人を安易に統廃合する「数合わせ」の改革には、慎重であるべきだ。

===

Some cases need more funds

There must be instances in which more, not less, budgetary resources should be allocated, if they are judged essential from the viewpoint of increasing international competitiveness, which is indispensable for a nation that relies on science and technology.
科学技術立国に欠かせない国際競争力を高める観点から、重要だと判断すれば、予算を拡充すべき事業もあるはずだ。

The unit's program screening is foremost a method that has produced a degree of good results in cutting wasteful budgets in local governments.
　そもそも事業仕分けは、地方自治体の無駄な予算の削減で一定の効果を上げた手法だ。

However, it is outrageous and unreasonable for the panel to draw its conclusions by majority rule after less than an hour of discussion on the fate of state-funded programs, which are extremely costly and complicated, and have an impact on the entire country.
　はるかに事業費が巨額で、仕組みも複雑なうえ、国全体に影響する事業の是非について、わずか１時間足らずの議論を経て多数決で結論を出してしまうやり方は、乱暴であり、無理がある。

As in the unit's first screening last autumn, in which fiscal 2010 budgetary requests were scrutinized, the current round is fully open to the public and is being broadcast live on the Internet.
　仕分け作業は、２０１０年度予算の概算要求を対象にした昨秋の第１弾と同様、全面公開され、インターネットで生中継された。

Amid the free-falling approval rating of the Cabinet of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, the government and ruling Democratic Party of Japan apparently have the ulterior motive of using the program screening as a tool to pump up the administration's public image. However, any attempt to make the screening a political show, which only plays to the gallery, must not be tolerated.
　鳩山内閣の支持率の低下に歯止めがかからない中、政府・与党には、仕分けを政権浮揚のカードにしたい思惑が働いている。大衆受けを狙った政治ショーにすることは許されない。

The government plans to compile a draft for reforming independent administrative institutions next month at the earliest, based on the conclusions it reaches during the current program screening. The government should conduct calm and prudent discussions before forming its final conclusions.
　政府は、仕分け作業の結論を踏まえて、来月中にも独法の改革案をまとめる予定だ。冷静で慎重な議論を重ねたうえで、最終結論を出すべきだろう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, April 25, 2010)
（2010年4月25日01時06分 読売新聞）

艦隊外洋訓練 中国軍ヘリの危険な異常接近

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Apr. 25, 2010)

Chinese Navy choppers' dangerous actions
艦隊外洋訓練　中国軍ヘリの危険な異常接近（4月24日付・読売社説）

Chinese People's Liberation Army helicopters launched from navy ships during recent training maneuvers have repeatedly taken the unusual action of approaching Maritime Self-Defense Force destroyers that were deployed for surveillance of Chinese vessels on the high seas near Japan's territorial waters.
　訓練中の中国海軍の艦載ヘリコプターが、監視中の海上自衛隊の艦船に異常接近する異例の行動を繰り返した。

The Japanese government lodged a diplomatic protest with China because such behavior is quite dangerous even if the actions did take place on the high seas. We believe the government's protest was a natural action.
　日本政府が、「公海上とはいえ、極めて危険な事態だ」として外交ルートを通じて抗議したのは当然のことだ。

On April 8, during a drill in the East China Sea, a Chinese Navy helicopter approached at a distance of about 90 meters an MSDF destroyer that was deployed for surveillance of the Chinese vessels.
　今月８日には、東シナ海で訓練中の艦載ヘリが、監視活動中の海自の護衛艦に約９０メートルまで接近した。

On April 10, a Chinese Navy fleet of 10 vessels, including two submarines, were moving southward on the high seas between Okinawa Island and Miyakojima island of Okinawa Prefecture.
　今月１０日、潜水艦２隻を含む計１０隻の中国軍艦隊が沖縄本島と宮古島の間の公海を南下した。

A similar incident happened again Wednesday. Another Chinese Navy helicopter circled an MSDF destroyer twice at a distance of 90 meters and an altitude of about 50 meters on the Pacific Ocean about 500 kilometers south of Okinawa Prefecture's main island.
　これ１度だけではない。２１日にも、やはり艦載ヘリが、沖縄本島の南方約５００キロの太平洋上で、海自艦の上空を旋回し、高さ約５０メートルの距離まで近づいたという。

===

'Necessary defense action'

Such a close-range flight could have caused a serious accident.
　これだけの接近飛行は、偶発的な事故を起こしかねない。

The Chinese government reacted to the Japanese protest by saying, "It was a necessary defense measure in response to Japanese surveillance activities."
　中国政府は、日本の抗議に対し「日本の監視活動に対する必要な防衛措置」と反論している。

However, we think that with such heavy-handed actions China intends to demonstrate at home and abroad the expansion of its naval power in recent years. Members of the Chinese media are reportedly aboard Chinese Navy vessels during ocean training.
　だが、今回の示威的な行動は、近年の中国海軍の拡張ぶりを内外に誇示する狙いがあるのではないか。外洋訓練には中国メディアの関係者も同行しているという。

In the midst of the Chinese maneuvers, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama met with Chinese President Hu Jintao on April 13 on the sidelines of the Nuclear Security Summit in Washington. Hu told Hatoyama that China wants to turn the East China Sea into a sea of peace, friendship and cooperation.
　訓練期間中の１３日、ワシントンで開かれた日中首脳会談で、中国の胡錦濤国家主席は、「東シナ海を平和友好協力の海にしていきたい」と語った。

The provocative actions by the Chinese helicopters run counter to the idea of a "sea of peace." Moreover, the meeting between the two leaders did not see any progress on the issue of when to start negotiations for concluding a treaty over joint development of gas fields in the East China Sea.
　艦載ヘリの行動は「平和の海」に逆行するものだ。首脳会談では、肝心の、東シナ海のガス田共同開発をめぐる条約交渉開始問題は全く進展しなかった。

The Japanese government's response was too slow. The Foreign Ministry asked the Chinese side to confirm and explain the first incident on April 12. And it was not until the same day that the Foreign Ministry reported the incident to Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada. The ministry lodged the protest on Wednesday.
　それにしても、日本政府の対応は緩慢に過ぎる。外務省が中国側に事実確認と説明を求めたのは１２日で、その日ようやく岡田外相に報告されている。外務省が中国側に抗議をしたのは２１日だ。

===

Govt may be too optimistic

The Chinese Navy has been going beyond what it views as the "First Island Chain" of its strategic defense lines, which ranges from the Nansei Islands, which cover Okinawa Prefecture, to Taiwan and the Philippines, and expanded its area of activities to a "Second Island Chain" that connects the Ogasawara Islands and Guam.
This is the commonly held view of those belonging to the diplomatic and defense authorities.
　中国海軍が、沖縄などの南西諸島と台湾、フィリピンを結ぶ「第１列島線」を越えて、小笠原諸島とグアムを結ぶ「第２列島線」にまで活動領域を広げていることは、外交・防衛当局者なら百も承知のはずだろう。

Concerning the activities of the Chinese fleet, some government officials see them as preparations for a strategy to prevent deployment of U.S. Navy aircraft carriers in case of a crisis in the Taiwan Strait.
　中国艦隊の動きについて、政府内には、台湾海峡有事の際に米空母などの展開を阻む戦略の一環との見方もある。

In its recent Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR), the United States expresses serious worries over China's rapid military buildup. We suspect the Hatoyama administration's view of the status quo is too optimistic.
　米国の４年ごとの国防計画見直し（ＱＤＲ）は、中国の急速な軍拡に深刻な懸念を示している。鳩山政権の認識は甘すぎないか。

From now on the government must pay utmost attention to increased actions by the Chinese Navy to secure interests in the sea. The government must study what actions it should take from medium- and long-term points of view and see to it that the results of such studies are reflected in this year's revision of the current National Defense Program Guidelines.
　今後、海洋権益確保の動きを強める中国海軍の動向には、格段の注意が要る。政府は、中長期的にどんな対策をとるかを検討し、今年の防衛大綱の改定作業に反映させることが必要だ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun,April 24, 2010)
（2010年4月24日01時34分 読売新聞）

首相元秘書有罪 「説明する」も嘘だったのか

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Apr. 24, 2010)

Hatoyama must explain political funds scandal
首相元秘書有罪　「説明する」も嘘だったのか（4月23日付・読売社説）

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama continues to be evasive in facing up to the politics-and-money scandal he is entangled in, refusing to explain for what purpose he used such a massive amount of money. In his own defense, the prime minister said the case was still under investigation, and later, that it was before the court.
　これまで捜査中や公判中であることを理由に、巨額資金の使途の説明から逃げて来た鳩山首相である。

Hatoyama should waste no time in fulfilling his duty and make a full explanation.
速やかに説明責任を果たすべき時だ。

On Thursday, the Tokyo District Court handed down a ruling in a case involving allegedly falsified income and expenditure reports on political funds submitted by Yuai Seikei Konwa-kai, the prime minister's funds management organization. Keiji Katsuba, Hatoyama's former first state-paid secretary, was sentenced to a two-year prison term, suspended for three years, for violating the Political Funds Control Law.
　首相の資金管理団体「友愛政経懇話会」の偽装献金事件で、政治資金規正法違反に問われた首相の元公設第１秘書・勝場啓二被告に対し、東京地裁は禁固２年、執行猶予３年の判決を言い渡した。

The court concluded that Yuai Seikei Konwa-kai's political funding reports falsely declared contributions totaling 400 million yen from individuals through such means as using the names of people who never made such donations, including the deceased.
　政治資金収支報告書に、故人を含め実際は献金していない人の名前を使うなどして総額４億円の嘘(うそ)を書いた――。

===

What was the money for?

Katsuba bears serious responsibility for a crime committed to conceal a massive amount of money from public scrutiny by lying about where it came from. The prime minister's responsibility is no less grave in that he failed to realize a crime was being committed.
資金の出どころを偽装して、国民の監視から覆い隠した刑事責任は重大である。それを漫然と見過ごしていた首相の責任も極めて大きい。

The conclusion of Katsuba's trial does not mean the case is closed with respect to Hatoyama's own responsibility.
　元秘書の裁判は終結しても、首相本人の責任論まで一件落着とはいくまい。

Hatoyama received a total of 1.25 billion yen from his mother. However, he continues to say, "I knew nothing [about my mother's financial assistance]." At the end of last year, the prime minister paid about 600 million yen in gift tax, apparently trying to put the scandal behind him.
　鳩山首相は、母親から１２億５０００万円もの資金提供を受けていた。「知らなかった」と強弁し、昨年末に約６億円の贈与税を納付して幕引きを図ろうとした。

Hatoyama's response aroused speculation that he would not have paid the gift tax had it not been for the scandal, even prompting some people to say, "It's ridiculous to pay taxes." Such a comment is not surprising.
　国民からは「発覚しなければ納税もしなかったろう。税金を払うのがばかばかしくなる」という声が上がった。当然の反応だ。

Nothing is known about the purpose for which more than 700 million yen from the money in question has been used. The prime minister repeatedly said: "I left everything [related to his political funding] to my secretary. I know nothing about it."
　このうちの７億円余の使途も明らかになっていない。首相は「秘書に任せていた。わからない」を繰り返した。

However, this did little to lessen the anger of the public and the opposition camp. In December, Hatoyama said, "I'll explain every fact to the public after prosecutors have finished uncovering the truth behind the case."
それでも、世論の批判や野党の追及に、１２月には「検察の解明が終わった段階で、知りうる事実をすべて国民の皆さんに説明したい」と述べた。

In March, Hatoyama also mentioned the specific measures he would take to explain the pertinent facts to the public: "I'll ask [prosecutors] to return the documents [submitted to them] after the trial is concluded, and show them to the public."
　先月には「裁判が終わった暁には（検察に）書類の返還を求め、皆様方に見ていただきたい」と具体的な説明方法にも言及した。

===

Prime minister backtracks

During a one-on-one debate with opposition leaders on Wednesday, however, Hatoyama reneged on this promise, saying, "There is no need to disclose such documents." Many people may have been angered--rather than just surprised--by the prime minister's apparent change of heart.
　しかし一昨日の党首討論では一転、「資料を出す必要はない」と答弁を翻した。これには驚きを通り越して、怒りを覚えた国民も多かったのではないか。

Did Hatoyama lie when he promised to release the documents? The prime minister should immediately start an investigation into the money received from his mother and take every possible means to disclose what the huge amount of funds were used for.
　前言はすべて嘘だったのか。首相はただちに調査を開始して、巨額資金の使途を可能な限り国民の前で明らかにすべきだ。

The prime minister's obtuse attitude has greatly undermined the public's image of the Democratic Party of Japan.
　首相の責任逃れの姿勢は、民主党に対する国民のイメージを大きく損ねている。

This has been exacerbated by DPJ Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa's failure to provide the facts behind the alleged accounting irregularities involving his political funding body's purchase of land worth 400 million yen. Chiyomi Kobayashi, a House of Representatives member of the ruling party, has also evaded questions raised about the scandal involving funds allegedly received illegally by her election office from the Hokkaido Teachers' Union during her campaign for last year's lower house election.
　４億円の土地購入事件に関しての小沢幹事長や、北海道教職員組合から違法な選挙資金を受けていた小林千代美衆院議員も説明責任を果たしていない。

Inquest-of-prosecution committees will soon pass judgment on the propriety of earlier decisions by prosecutors not to indict Hatoyama and Ozawa over their respective money scandals. If the panels rule against both decisions, it means prosecutors must conduct fresh investigations into these cases. If that happens, the public will become even harsher in its criticism of the DPJ lawmakers.
　首相と小沢氏に関しては、検察の不起訴処分の当否について、近く検察審査会で議決が出る見通しだ。結果によっては、検察は再捜査を迫られる。国民の追及の目も厳しさを増すだろう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun,April 23, 2010)
（2010年4月23日01時26分 読売新聞）

環境大国の「整理」気質

Germany's passion for organization and links to the environment
環境大国の「整理」気質＝外信部・篠田航一
　＜エコ・エコ＞
Up until this spring, I was living in Germany for about a year of language training. My 3-year-old daughter attended a local kindergarten, where teachers were adamant that children put toys back where they belong. This is, of course, behavior that should be expected of children. But the teachers are strict to the point of making us Japanese wonder, "Do they have to be that harsh?"
　この春まで約１年間、語学研修でドイツに滞在した。３歳の娘は現地で幼稚園に通ったが、遊んだおもちゃを元の場所に片付けないと、先生は徹底的にやり直しをさせる。確かに当然のマナーではあるが、日本的感覚からすれば「そこまで怒らなくても」というほど厳しい。

"Leave the disciplining of dogs and children to Germans," they laugh. I find their passion for organization extraordinary.
「犬と子供のしつけはドイツ人に任せろ」と彼らは笑うが、なるほど、整理整頓への情熱は並大抵ではない。

The textbooks that we foreign students used for German language study were eye-opening as well. Among chapters such as "Literature" and "Economics" was one allotted to "Environment," in which we spent quite a bit of time on the topic of sorting trash and recycling. In the "Travel" chapter, pages were dedicated to the packing and organizing of one's bags. As the textbook helped us foreign students to gain an understanding of the German temperament, it was far more interesting than reading fiction or other texts. Obviously, these national traits are what lie at the foundation of this major environmental leader.
　ドイツ語の授業で使う留学生用テキストも興味深かった。「文学」「経済」など各章のテーマの中で、「環境」ではゴミの分別の説明に時間をかける。「旅行」では、バッグへの荷物の詰め方、整理の仕方にまでページが割かれる。留学生にとってはむしろドイツ人気質がよく分かるので、文学などより面白い。「環境大国」の根底に、この国民性があるのは確かだろう。

However, from the 1950s to 60s, during Germany's period of rapid economic development, Germany, like Japan, struggled with air pollution and other deteriorating environmental conditions. Older Germans who remember that time say that the Rhine River was like a sewage canal. Subsequently, the national government implemented various conservation measures, which eventually led to the famous 2002 legislation to abandon nuclear power generation.
　とはいえ、彼らも１９５０～６０年代の高度成長期には日本同様、大気汚染など環境悪化に悩んでいた。当時を知るお年寄りは「ライン川もどぶ川だった」と振り返る。その後、国を挙げての対策が進み、０２年には有名な「脱原発」まで法制化した。

Circumstances are changing, however. As global warming has emerged as one of the world's most important issues, nuclear power generation is once again gaining attention as a method of power generation that does not emit the greenhouse gas carbon dioxide. This development was a point of contention in the German federal election that I witnessed during my stay there. Ultimately, the center-right party calling for the continued operation of nuclear power plants came out victorious.
　だが状況は変わりつつある。地球温暖化が課題の今、発電の際に温室効果ガスの二酸化炭素を排出しない原発に再び注目が集まってきた。留学中に垣間見た昨年のドイツ総選挙では、この問題が争点に浮上。結局、原発運転延長を唱える中道右派が勝利した。

During the election campaign, abandonment of nuclear power stations was debated daily, and a large number of books on the subject were seen in bookstores. From skimming those books, I realized that this leading environmental nation was also torn. That much, I got.
　選挙期間中、脱原発は連日議論され、書店にも関連本が並んだ。一通り手に取ってみたが、環境大国も相当悩んでいる。それがよく分かった。

As I was about to leave the bookstore, a shop attendant stopped me: "Please put the books back where you found them."
　と思って書店を出ようとした時、店員に声をかけられた。「読んだ本は、元の場所に戻してください」

(By Koichi Shinoda, Foreign News Department)
(Mainichi Japan) April 23, 2010
毎日新聞　2010年4月23日　東京朝刊