東アジア共同体 経済連携の強化で環境整備を

The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 30, 2009)
Economic cooperation path to community
東アジア共同体　経済連携の強化で環境整備を（9月30日付・読売社説）

Even talk of an "East Asian community" may be getting too far ahead of the reality of the situation.
　「東アジア共同体」という言葉だけが先走ってはいないか。

It is important first to improve the environment for its creation and proceed with the substantiation of the concept through steady efforts to strengthen economic partnerships in the region.
　地道な経済連携の強化を通じて、その環境を整え、具体化を進めていくことが重要だろう。

The foreign ministers of Japan, China and South Korea, at their meeting in Shanghai on Monday, agreed to strengthen their cooperation to create an East Asian community.
　上海で行われた日中韓外相会談は、東アジア共同体の実現に向けて、３か国が協力を強化することで一致した。

Japanese Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada stressed the necessity of promoting regional economic partnerships and building cooperation in individual sectors, such as energy and environmental efforts, under the principle of "open regionalism." Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, who puts an East Asian community at the center of his diplomatic strategies based on the spirit of yu-ai or "fraternity," expressed the same view in a speech at the United Nations during his visit to the United States last week.
　岡田外相は、「開かれた地域主義」の原則の下、域内の経済連携やエネルギー、環境など個別の協力を積み重ねる考えを強調した。共同体構想を「友愛外交」の柱に据える鳩山首相も、訪米時の国連演説で同様の見解を表明した。

"Open regionalism" is based on a concept of regional cooperation that does not exclude specific countries, including the United States. It has been a policy of the Japanese government since former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi touted the creation of an East Asian community in 2002. The Hatoyama administration seems to be following in Koizumi's footsteps.
　「開かれた地域主義」は、米国など特定の国を排除した地域協力にはしない、というものだ。小泉政権が２００２年に共同体構想の推進を掲げて以来の日本政府の方針であり、鳩山政権も、これを踏襲するということだろう。

===

Motives questioned

Nevertheless, there still are some in the United States who wonder about Hatoyama's real intention. There is little doubt that such questions are linked to Hatoyama's recent op-ed piece in a U.S. newspaper that criticized U.S.-led globalization and touched on the issue of creating a common Asian currency.
　にもかかわらず、米国には依然、首相の真意を測りかね、疑問を呈する声がある。米紙に掲載された首相の論文で、米国主導のグローバリズムへの批判やアジア共通通貨の発行に踏み込んだことが、その背景にあるのは間違いない。

It would be self-defeating for Japan to take on an active leadership role in promoting the concept of an East Asian community if it negatively influences the Japan-U.S. alliance. Hatoyama and Okada should assuage U.S. worries by sufficiently explaining the intent of the effort.
　日本が積極的に共同体構想の旗振り役を務める結果、日米同盟関係に悪影響を及ぼしては、本末転倒だ。首相と外相は、今後も米側の不安を払拭(ふっしょく)するための説明努力を尽くすべきである。

Discussing the idea of an East Asian community at a summit meeting with Chinese President Hu Jintao in New York last week, Hatoyama cited the example of energy cooperation between Germany and France leading to a wave of integration in Europe.
　首相は先の日中首脳会談で、東アジア共同体について、ドイツとフランスのエネルギー協力が欧州統合の流れにつながったことを引き合いに出した。

However, it is unreasonable to model an East Asian community after the European Union. East Asia is composed of various types of countries whose political frameworks differ from each other. Due to the threat of North Korean nuclear missile attacks and China's mounting military build-up, the security environment in East Asia is not as stable as that of Europe in the post-Cold War era.
　だが、欧州連合（ＥＵ）をモデルにするのは無理がある。東アジアは、政治体制の異なる多様な国からなる。北朝鮮の核ミサイルの脅威や中国の軍事的台頭などがあり、冷戦終結後の欧州のような安全保障環境は整っていない。

===

First step

To eventually create an East Asian community, it is appropriate to begin by strengthening regional economic cooperation.
　やはり、域内の経済連携を強化するアプローチが妥当だろう。

But among Japan, China and South Korea, discussion of free trade agreements and investment treaties have not made progress. South Korea has maintained a cautious stance on an FTA out of concern it might increase its trade deficit with Japan, while China also is hesitant about signing an investment treaty for fear of being forced to liberalize its investment regulations.
　ただ、日中韓をみても、自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ）や、その前提となる投資協定の話し合いは進んでいない。前者は対日貿易赤字の増大を懸念する韓国が、後者は投資自由化に消極的な中国が、慎重姿勢を崩していないためだ。

Japan's FTA negotiations with India and Australia also have stagnated. South Korea and India, which, along with China, has shown significant economic growth, signed an FTA in August. Japan's delayed start cannot be denied.
　インドや豪州とのＦＴＡ交渉も停滞している。特に、中国と並んで発展著しいインドとは、韓国が先月、協定署名にこぎつけ、日本の出遅れは否めない。

In October, a summit meeting among the leaders of Japan, China and South Korea and an East Asia Summit meeting are planned. Hatoyama and Okada should deepen discussions on strengthening economic cooperation in the region in a concrete manner.
　来月には日中韓首脳会談や東アジア首脳会議が予定されている。首相と外相は、具体的な経済連携の協議を深めるべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 30, 2009)
（2009年9月30日01時08分 読売新聞）

社説：自民党新総裁 谷垣さんもチェンジを

(Mainichi Japan) September 29, 2009
New LDP leader Tanigaki faces tough task to rebuild, reform party
社説：自民党新総裁　谷垣さんもチェンジを

A tough road lies ahead for new Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) President Sadakazu Tanigaki. Elected on Monday to head the LDP, which suffered a crushing defeat in the Lower House election, the former finance minister faces the challenge of rebuilding the party under unprecedented adversity, with its very raison d'etre brought into question.
　いばらの道が待ち受ける。さきの衆院選で惨敗し野党に転落した自民党の新総裁に谷垣禎一元財務相が選ばれた。政権交代で自民党の存在意義すら問われるかつてない逆境の下、党の立て直しを迫られる。

If Tanigaki -- the innocuous and model student type -- thinks he can take back the reins of government with the LDP mostly unchanged, he's dreaming. The fact that the party was unable to gather two-thirds of regional votes is evidence of the public's doubts toward the LDP's approach to party reform. The LDP must review the policies it has had since its ruling-party era, and strive to establish itself as an effective opposition to the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ).
　無難で優等生的な印象の谷垣氏だが、昔ながらの自民党のまま政権復帰を目指すのであれば、幻想に過ぎない。地方票で３分の２を得られなかったことは、党改革の姿勢への疑問の反映だ。与党時代の党の政策を一から再点検し、民主党との対立軸の構築に努めなければならない。

Even though the LDP leadership election had the party's rebirth on the line, it sank into oblivion as the new government of Prime Minster Yukio Hatoyama gathered attention. Although this could be partially attributed to the LDP's fate as an opposition party, more importantly, it was because the party had not adequately engaged in any analysis of its defeat. Many mid-ranking party members refused to run for party president, and the three candidates who did run failed to attract the public's interest. The lack of enthusiasm for the election, even among regional party organizations, is a sign that the party's future is at risk.
　党再生をかけた総裁選のはずが、鳩山政権が脚光を浴びる中、すっかり埋没した。野党に転じた事情もあるが、惨敗を真剣に総括する過程が決定的に不足していた。中堅議員の多くが出馬を見送り、候補の顔ぶれも国民的関心を呼ばなかった。地方組織も含め盛り上がりに欠けた様子は、党の前途の厳しさを物語った。

Ultimately, what the arguments put forth by the three candidates -- Tanigaki, Former Senior Vice Justice Minister Taro Kono and former Parliamentary Vice Foreign Minister Yasutoshi Nishimura -- revealed was that the party remains divided on the cause of its general election defeat. While Tanigaki pushed for a review of structural reforms led by former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, Kono proposed further reforms, calling for a break from factional politics and the transfer of power to a new generation of party members. Tanigaki's support from legislators and regional voters and his resulting victory reflected the strong negativity harbored by party members toward Koizumi-era reforms.
　結局、河野太郎元副法相、西村康稔前外務政務官も含む３候補の主張から浮かんだのは、敗因総括をめぐる党内論議の混迷だった。小泉構造改革見直しに軸足を置く谷垣氏に対し、河野氏はむしろ改革継続を強調、派閥主導の古い体質を糾弾し、世代交代を前面に掲げた。議員票、地方票を通じての谷垣氏の勝利は、小泉改革の負の部分が党内に強く意識されていることの反映だろう。

Still, one cannot help but feel uneasy about what lies ahead for the party and its new party leader. First of all, there is the challenge of building a relationship of effective opposition with the DPJ. Tanigaki has argued for a review of "small government" policy, but criticizes the new government's policies as mere handouts. Without a detailed discussion on what the LDP wants to change and what it wants to keep the same -- including the issue of consumption tax -- it won't be able to compose anything more than a vague manifesto.
　とはいえ、新総裁や党の前途には不安を感じざるを得ない。まず、問われるのは民主党への対立軸の構築だ。谷垣氏は「小さな政府」の見直しを主張するが、一方で新政権の政策をばらまきと批判する。構造改革のどの部分を改め、どこを維持するのか。消費税問題の扱いも含めて詰めなければ、いつまでも抽象的なマニフェストしか作れまい。

Some say that the policies put forth by Tanigaki, considered a liberal, are hard to differentiate from those of Hatoyama. In Diet sessions and other forums, it will be important that he clearly illustrates the differences between LDP and DPJ policies while cooperating when appropriate.
　政策的にリベラルと目される谷垣氏には鳩山政権との違いが見えにくい、との指摘もある。国会での対応など、協力すべきは協力しつつ政策の違いを示す努力が必要だ。

It is questionable how far Tanigaki will go in terms of party reform. His greatest supporters in the presidential election were those who are favorable toward party factions and are not receptive to rapid change, including the generational transfer of power.
　党改革をどこまで実行できるかも疑問符がつく。今回、谷垣氏を推す勢力の中心となったのは派閥を肯定し、世代交代など急速な変化を好まない勢力だった。

Tanigaki's slogan of "let's do it together" as a call to build a united front could also prove to be a pitfall to reform. If the new party head curries favor with party factions and senior party members, the public will give up on him early. He will have to be bold in selecting candidates for next summer's Upper House election, and refuse to act on precedent.
　持論である「みんなでやろうぜ」の挙党体制の構築も、党改革を怠る口実となりかねない。派閥や長老の顔色をうかがうようでは国民から早々に見放されよう。来夏の参院選の候補選定も、前例にとらわれない大胆さが必要だ。

Although the latest LDP presidential election was lacking in pizzazz, the fact that the party refrained from putting on a mere popularity contest by rounding up high-profile candidates is a sign of progress. On the other hand, a mild-mannered party president lacking in leadership skills will not be able to weather the storm that is approaching.
　地味なイメージの新総裁だが、今回、選挙の顔となる人気者探しに党が踊らなかったのは、ささやかな前進でもある。とはいえ、無難さに走り、リーダーシップを欠くようでは到底、乗り切れない。

Tanigaki, too, must change if he is to succeed.
谷垣氏も、変わらなければならない。

毎日新聞　2009年9月29日　0時07分

谷垣自民党総裁 解党的出直しの先頭に立て

The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 29, 2009)
Tanigaki must initiate LDP's transformation
谷垣自民党総裁　解党的出直しの先頭に立て（9月29日付・読売社説）

Former Finance Minister Sadakazu Tanigaki has been picked as the new president of the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party.
　野党・自民党の新総裁に、谷垣禎一・元財務相が就任した。

The new LDP leader's eventual goal is to regain control of the government. To do so, the LDP must first carry out root-and-branch reform of the party so it can start from the beginning again.
　新総裁の最終的な目標は、政権奪還にある。
　そのためには、まず、党の解党的な出直しが避けられない。

At the same time, the LDP should adopt a cooperative stance by working with the ruling Democratic Party of Japan on important policies concerning matters of national interest and make efforts to realize them, not merely criticize the DPJ-led administration from the standpoint of an opposition party.
同時に、野党として政権を批判するだけでなく、国益に絡む重要政策については、民主党と協議した上で実現するという柔軟な姿勢が求められよう。

Voting and vote-counting for the LDP presidential election were held Monday. Veteran lawmaker Tanigaki beat his two younger contenders--former Senior Vice Justice Minister Taro Kono and former Parliamentary Vice Foreign Minister Yasutoshi Nishimura.
　自民党総裁選が投開票され、ベテランの谷垣氏が、河野太郎・元法務副大臣と西村康稔・前外務政務官の中堅若手候補を下した。

Tanigaki faces a heavy responsibility in bringing about the rebirth of the LDP after its crushing defeat in the recent House of Representatives election.
　谷垣氏は、先の衆院選惨敗後の自民党の再生に向けて、重い責任を負ったといえる。

Tanigaki's victory likely came as a result of the fact that both LDP Diet lawmakers and rank-and-file party members highly evaluate his experience in important cabinet and party posts, the sense of stability he projects and his mild-mannered personality.
　谷垣氏の勝利は、内閣や党の要職を歴任した経験と安定感、温厚な人柄が、議員、党員の双方から評価された結果とみられる。

Tanigaki asserted that the LDP should take a whole-party approach that he described as "a baseball team determined to win by employing all the players' strengths in a unified manner." Kono dismissed Tanigaki's analogy, severely criticizing the party's factional politics, but his harsh approach--demanding the expulsion of faction leaders--won little understanding.
　河野氏は、谷垣氏が主張した挙党一致の「全員野球」を否定し、派閥政治を手厳しく批判した。だが、派閥領袖の退場を求めるなど性急な「排除」の論理は、多くの理解を得られなかった。

===

LDP should take fight to DPJ

The Diet is the main battlefield of an opposition party.
　野党の主戦場は国会にある。

Tanigaki has stressed that the LDP must ensure the ruling parties fulfill their responsibilities, and that it must come up with well-conceived policies and not lose heart. At the same time, he said the LDP will have no future if it merely finds fault with the ruling parties.
　谷垣氏は、「錬磨した政策で与党を厳しく追及する。気迫を失ってはいけない」と強調してきた。同時に「あら探しで終わるようではだめだ」とも言っている。

Tanigaki is right. The LDP should trade verbal blows toe-to-toe with the ruling parties on tax and financial issues, including on the issues of a hike in the consumption tax and national security. The party should also highlight contradictions in the DPJ's policies and present responsible counterproposals.
　その通りだろう。消費税率引き上げなど税財政や安全保障で正面から論戦を挑む。民主党の政策の矛盾点をあぶり出す一方、責任ある対案をあわせて提示する。

If LDP lawmakers, young and old alike, question ruling party members in Diet deliberations from such a point of view, the party will recover its vitality. Tanigaki himself should take the lead in setting a good example in Diet deliberations, including party leader debates with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama.
　そんな観点から「老壮青」の自民党議員が質問に立つことは、党の活力を引き出すことにつながるのではないか。谷垣総裁も、鳩山首相との党首討論をはじめ国会論戦で、範を示すべきだ。

Reconstructing the party will be no easy task. Personnel management and national elections, including the House of Councillors election to be held next summer, will be the first hurdles for Tanigaki.
　党の再建は容易ではない。党人事や来夏の参院選をはじめとした国政選挙が最初の関門になる。

===

Winning urban vote key

The fact that Kono and Nishimura, who both asserted the necessity for a generational change in the presidential election, gained a measure of support may signify a desire within the party for a drastic change in the system of allocating party executive posts. To give the party's top echelon a makeover, young and middle-aged lawmakers should be appointed to senior posts.
　総裁選で、世代交代を訴えた河野、西村両氏が一定の支持を得たことは、党役員の大幅刷新を求める党内世論の表れともいえよう。若手・中堅の積極的登用など清新な布陣が必要だ。

In the next upper house election, the LDP must entrust the party leadership with decision-making power and rethink its strategies, including on candidate selection.
　参院選では、党執行部に権限を集中させ、候補者も含め戦略を練り直すことが迫られそうだ。

As for the LDP's election strategy, if the party focuses on the rural vote, its prospects will remain dim. The important thing is for it to come up with policies that strike a chord with urban residents in the prime of life. It is indispensable for the LDP to present a clear vision to counter the DPJ's, such as its own growth strategy and a new model for the ideal shape of the nation.
　選挙対策も、地方を重視するだけでは、展望は開けない。大事なのは、都市部の働き盛りの世代などから共感を得られる政策を打ち出すことだろう。成長戦略や新たな国家像の提示など、民主党との明確な対抗軸も欠かせない。

Convincing voters that the LDP has changed would be a step toward a return to power.
　自民党は変わった、と有権者に受け止めてもらう。それが政権復帰に向けての第一歩になる。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 29, 2009)
（2009年9月29日01時04分 読売新聞）

敬老の日 安心できる超高齢社会に

The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 21, 2009)
Assuage people's fears over hyper-aging society
敬老の日　安心できる超高齢社会に（9月21日付・読売社説）

Respect-for-the-Aged Day falls Monday, a few days after the administration of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama took office.
　鳩山政権が発足して間もないきょう、敬老の日を迎えた。

This nation is aging faster than any other in the world.
日本の高齢化は、世界に類を見ないスピードで進行している。

In 1966, when Respect-for-the-Aged Day became a national holiday, the average life span of Japanese males was 68 and that of females 73. Currently, men live an average of 79 years and women 86 years, and life spans are bound to continue to lengthen. We live in an era in which about 1.3 million, or one in 100, of the nation's population are aged 90 or older.
　敬老の日が祝日となった１９６６年、日本人の平均寿命は男が６８歳、女は７３歳だった。それが今では男７９歳、女８６歳となり、年々延び続けている。１００人に１人、約１３０万人が９０歳以上という時代である。

Of course, graying itself is not something to feel anxious about. It is gratifying that many people live long.
　無論、高齢化それ自体は憂うべきものではない。多くの人が長寿であるのは喜ばしいことだ。

Nevertheless, our hyper-aging society tends to be described in gloomy terms, no doubt due to concern that the social security system is unsustainable.
　にもかかわらず、超高齢社会が暗いイメージで語られがちなのはなぜか。社会保障制度が十分に対応できていないからだろう。

To dispel such anxieties, the new administration faces a mountain of tasks related to reconstructing and maintaining the pension system and medical and nursing care services, all of which are vital to support elderly people's lives.
　新政権はこの不安を払拭(ふっしょく)するために、老後の生活を支える年金、医療、介護をどう再構築し、維持していくのか。山積する課題に取り組まねばならない。

===

DPJ must make right decision

The first daunting challenge facing the new administration is overhauling the medical insurance system for elderly people.
　まず、直面する難題は高齢者医療である。

At a press conference he gave after assuming his post, Health, Labor and Welfare Minister Akira Nagatsuma reiterated that the medical insurance system for those aged 75 and older would be abolished. He did not say when the current system would be scrapped. As for a system that would replace the existing one, Nagatsuma said it would be designed to reflect realities. This was a pragmatic choice.
　長妻厚生労働相は就任会見で、改めて「後期高齢者医療制度は廃止する」と表明した。ただし廃止時期には触れず、その後については「現状を把握した上で制度設計する」とした。これは現実的な選択と言えよう。

The medical insurance system for those aged 75 and over was crafted to resolve the severe strain that the health insurance system for elderly people had come under. It clarified the burden that working generations must shoulder to pay the medical expenses of those aged 75 and older. It also removed the disparities in premiums that existed within individual prefectures by setting up prefectural-run insurers.
　後期高齢者医療制度は、老人保健制度の行き詰まりを打開する目的で作られた。７５歳以上の人の医療費を現役世代がどれだけ負担するかを明確にし、県単位の保険者を作って保険料格差を縮めた。

Although it is true that the current system is flawed and was never explained properly, the emotional backlash over its name--its reference to elderly people aged 75 and older as koki koreisha (late-stage elderly people)--and other elements predominated during discussions over the new system, with the result that it was never discussed in a calm manner.
　新制度には様々な欠陥や説明不足もあったが、呼称などに対する感情的反発が先行し、冷静な議論が行われたとは言い難い。

When the DPJ was an opposition party, it was all right to press the government on the system's defects and parrot the slogan "Abolish the new system immediately and reinstate the old medical insurance system for the elderly."
But since it has become the ruling party and taken over the reins of government, it will not be forgiven if it makes a decision that could invite confusion.
　野党なら政策の欠点だけを追及し、「ただちに廃止して老健制度に戻せ」と唱えればよかったが、政府・与党となったからには、いたずらに混乱を招くだけの選択は許されまい。

===

Have sales tax fund welfare

Weighing up the merits and demerits of the medical insurance system for those aged 75 and older and then reconstructing it would not mean breaking the DPJ's election campaign pledge to abolish the existing system.
　後期高齢者医療制度の利点と欠点を適切に評価し、発展的に再構築することは、「現制度を廃止する」との公約に反しない。
We hope the DPJ formulates a blueprint for the medical insurance system for the elderly calmly and constructively.
冷静かつ建設的に、高齢者医療の将来像を練ってもらいたい。

In doing so, if increases in health insurance premiums and over-the-counter payments by patients are seen to have reached their limit, there is no option but to increase the injection of public money. That is true not only in the case of medical services, but also for pension and nursing care insurance systems.
　その場合、保険料や窓口負担が限界と見るならば、公費の投入を増やすしかない。医療に限らず、年金も介護保険も同様だ。

But can the DPJ fund measures for elderly people without increasing taxes at a time when securing financial resources for other new policies, such as the monthly child-rearing allowance, is in question?
　だが、子ども手当など他の新規施策だけでも財源確保に疑問符がつく中で、増税なしに高齢者施策の財源は見いだせるだろうか。

If the consumption tax is transformed into a social security tax so that financial resources can be properly secured, the government will have more choices in formulating policies for this hyper-aging society. The new administration should make a decision on the medical insurance system for elderly people without delay.
　消費税を社会保障税とし、きちんと財源を確保すれば、超高齢時代の施策は選択肢が広がる。新政権は一日も早く決断すべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 21, 2009)
（2009年9月21日01時12分 読売新聞）

鳩山外交始動 日米同盟基軸を行動で示せ

Words alone not enough for Japan-U.S. alliance
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 20, 2009)
鳩山外交始動　日米同盟基軸を行動で示せ（9月20日付・読売社説）

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama will leave for the United States on Monday, where he plans to attend a series of international conferences that will discuss such important global issues as climate change, nuclear arms reduction, nuclear nonproliferation, the world economy and international finance.
　鳩山首相があす、米国に向けて出発する。
　今回の訪米では、気候変動、核軍縮・不拡散、国際経済・金融など世界規模の重要課題を討議する国際会議が目白押しだ。

Hatoyama also is scheduled to hold summit meetings with U.S. President Barack Obama as well the leaders of countries including Britain, China, France, India, Russia and South Korea.
　オバマ米大統領をはじめ、中国、韓国、英国、フランス、ロシア、インドなど各国首脳との会談も予定されている。

These planned meetings indicate the keen interest that world leaders have in the diplomatic stance of Hatoyama, who has effected a change in government.
　首脳会談が相次いで行われる背景には、政権交代を実現した鳩山首相の外交姿勢に強い関心が抱かれていることがあろう。

　◆継続性重視アピールを◆
During the campaign for last month's House of Representatives election, Hatoyama stressed that "continuity is important for diplomacy." During his U.S. visit, we hope he will assert to the world that there will be no fundamental changes in this country's foreign policies following the recent change in power. This means maintaining the Japan-U.S. alliance, respecting the principle of international cooperation and promoting the free trade system.
　首相は選挙中、「外交は継続性が重要だ」と指摘している。日米同盟の堅持、国際協調主義、自由貿易体制の推進といった日本外交の骨格は、政権が交代しても何ら変わらないことを積極的に発信してもらいたい。

===

No room for misinterpretation

It is particularly important for Hatoyama to convey clearly to the United States that the Japan-U.S. alliance will continue to be the axis of this nation's foreign policy.
　中でも重要なのは、日米同盟が引き続き外交の基軸であることを米側に明確に伝えることだ。

A Hatoyama op-ed article carried on the Web site of a U.S. newspaper late last month was seen to criticize U.S.-led globalism, and was thus construed as being "anti-U.S.," stirring controversy in Washington.
　先月末に米紙に掲載された首相の論文は、米国主導のグローバリズムを批判するなど、「反米的」と受け止められ、米国内で波紋を呼んだ。

Hatoyama later said his true opinions were not conveyed accurately.
　首相は、真意が伝わらなかったと釈明している。

It is important for the prime minister to dispel such concern during his U.S. visit by giving a full account of his stance in his own words.
今回の訪米を機会に、自らの口できちんと説明し、米側の懸念を払拭(ふっしょく)することが大事だ。

To this end, Hatoyama also must show that actions speak louder than words. He should, for example, clarify the kind of assistance Japan plans to provide to Afghanistan--a country at the forefront of the "war against terror."
　そのためには、「言葉」だけではなく、具体的に裏付ける「行動」を示さなければなるまい。
　例えば、「テロとの戦い」の最前線国家アフガニスタンに対して日本はどんな支援をするのか。

If Afghanistan once again becomes a haunt for international terrorist organizations, global peace and security could be quickly destabilized.
　アフガンが再び、国際テロ組織の巣窟(そうくつ)と化せば、世界の平和と安全は一気に不安定化する。

During a phone conversation earlier this month, Obama's asked Hatoyama for Japan's help in sweeping militants out of Afghanistan--apparently prompted by the U.S. president's recognition of the dire situation in the war-torn country.
オバマ大統領が今月初めの電話会談で、首相に「アフガンの過激派の掃討」への協力を求めたのも、そんな厳しい認識からだろう。

　◆問われるアフガン支援◆
If Japan suspends the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean--as the Democratic Party of Japan pledged to do during campaigning for the recent election--the United States would conclude that Japan was withdrawing from the fight against terrorism. This could cause a serious rift in the Japan-U.S. relationship.
　民主党が選挙で公約した通り、日本がインド洋での海上自衛隊の給油活動を中止すれば、「テロとの戦いから離脱した」と受け止められ、日米関係に亀裂が生じる恐れがある。

As an alternative measure, Hatoyama has said he would reinforce civilian activities in Afghanistan. However, Japan has been engaging in a range of activities in the country, including the provision of agricultural assistance and the construction of schools.
　首相は、代わりにアフガン本土での文民活動を強化する考えだが、日本はすでに農業支援や学校建設など様々な活動に取り組んでいる。

Is Hatoyama's plan really a feasible alternative? We believe he should explore the possibility of continuing the refueling mission.
代替策になるのか。
　首相はやはり、給油活動継続の可能性を探るべきだろう。

===

Clarify nuclear stance

The prime minister has stressed his intention to realize a unified Asian currency and build an East Asia community. This has given rise to concerns in the United States that the new Japanese government's diplomatic policy is based on "independence from the United States and better regional relations in Asia."
　首相は、アジア共通通貨の実現や「東アジア共同体」の構築を目指すと強調している。このため、米国内には、「鳩山外交の基本は『脱米入亜』ではないか」と不安視する向きもある。

Up until now Japan's basic stance has been to offer cooperation in specific fields within a given region--such as liberalization of trade and investment and help with environmental measures--but has not engaged in regional cooperation that has excluded certain countries.
　これまでの日本政府の基本姿勢は、域内の貿易投資自由化や環境など個別分野の協力から始め、特定の国を排除する形の地域協力はしない、というものだ。

The prime minister has indicated that he favors this tack. We believe Hatoyama does not want his policy stance to be taken to mean that he undervalues the Japan-U.S. alliance. He should thus make a point of carefully explaining that he has no intention of trying to distance Japan from the United States.
　首相も同様の見解を示しており、日米同盟軽視と受け取られるのは本意ではあるまい。米国離れを志向しているのではないことを、丁寧に説明すべきだろう。

Regarding the issues of nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation, Obama has called for a world free of nuclear weapons.
　核軍縮・不拡散に関し、オバマ大統領は、「核兵器のない世界」を提唱している。

How can the international community pressure North Korea into abandoning its nuclear development program? What steps can be taken to persuade China to reduce the number of its nuclear weapons and disclose information on its military might, such as how many nuclear warheads it presently holds?
　北朝鮮の核開発をどのようにして断念させるか。中国に核弾頭数などの情報を開示させ、核兵器を削減させるにはどうすべきか。

One of the DPJ's manifesto pledges was to realize a nuclear-free Northeast Asia. However, if concrete measures are not thrashed out to tackle this issue, the plan is mere pie in the sky.
　首相が政権公約で示した「北東アジア非核化」構想も、こうした問題への具体的取り組みを欠いては、何の説得力もない。

Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada is scheduled to accompany the prime minister to the United States. During a press conference held after he had taken up his new post, Okada reiterated his desire for the United States to renounce the preemptive use of nuclear arms.
　首相と一緒に訪米する岡田外相は、就任の記者会見で、米国は核の先制不使用を明示すべきだとの持論を改めて示した。

The United States' nuclear umbrella is the only protection Japan has in the face of the threat posed by North Korea's nuclear missiles. In this regard, we believe the idea of renouncing preemptive nuclear attacks neglects the regional security environment, and could seriously harm this nation's peace and security.
　日本にとって、北朝鮮の核ミサイルの脅威に対する唯一の対抗手段は、米国の「核の傘」だ。地域の安保環境を無視した先制不使用論は、日本の平和と安全を著しく害することになる。

Preaching one's own philosophy is fine if you are a member of the opposition bloc. However, as Okada is now this country's foreign minister, stating a view that differs from that of the prime minister creates an impression of confusion within the government and ruins Japan's credibility overseas.
　野党時代なら持論を唱えても問題にはならない。だが、外相として首相と異なる見解を述べれば、政府が混乱している印象を与え、対外的な信用を損ねる。

We urge Hatoyama and Okada to bear in mind Japan's diplomatic policies and discuss carefully--prior to their departure for the United States--the positions they intend to take during the talks with world leaders.
　首相と外相は、これまでの日本外交の基本をしっかりと踏まえ、一連の会談に臨む対処方針について、出発する前に十分練り合わせてほしい。

===

Climate pledge conditional

　◆２５％削減の前提も説け◆
On the climate change issue, Hatoyama has announced that Japan will aim to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 25 percent from 1990 levels by 2020.
　気候変動問題では、首相は、２０２０年までに１９９０年比で２５％の温室効果ガス排出削減を目指す考えを表明している。

European countries hold this pledge in high esteem, but this likely is because they want to make Japan stick to its promises. As such, we should not take their enthusiasm purely at face value.
　欧州各国は高く評価するが、日本の立場が後退しないよう布石を打っているのだろう。額面通り受け止めるわけにはいかない。

Hatoyama also has said that other major countries must agree to make "ambitious" reduction targets as a "precondition" for Japan's emissions-cut goal. The pledge to reduce emissions by 25 percent should not be allowed to take on a life of its own. The prime minister should stress the conditional elements of his pledge at the U.N. summit on climate change in New York.
　首相は、「すべての主要国の参加」が前提とも述べている。「２５％削減」が独り歩きしては困る。会議では、あくまで前提条件付きであることを強調すべきだ。

International conferences and summit meetings are the arenas in which world leaders strike bargains while keeping a strong eye on their own national interests. Our new prime minister and foreign minister should stay focused during these occasions, and be careful about making promises or remarks before the international community that could harm this nation's interests.
　国際会議や首脳会談は、各国首脳がそれぞれの国益を主張し、駆け引きを演じる場である。首相と外相は、国益を害するような国際約束や発言をしないよう、気を引き締めて臨むべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 20, 2009)
（2009年9月20日01時19分 読売新聞）

自民総裁選告示 政権奪還が目指せる党首を

The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 19, 2009)
LDP needs leader who can rule roost
自民総裁選告示　政権奪還が目指せる党首を（9月19日付・読売社説）

The Liberal Democratic Party officially announced Friday the date of its presidential election. This will be a golden opportunity for the former ruling party to restart from scratch after its historic defeat in the recent House of Representatives election.
　総選挙惨敗を受けた自民党の出直し総裁選が告示された。

Former Finance Minister Sadakazu Tanigaki, former Senior Vice Justice Minister Taro Kono and Yasutoshi Nishimura, former parliamentary vice foreign minister, have filed their candidacies for the election.
　谷垣禎一・元財務相、河野太郎・元法務副大臣、西村康稔(やすとし)・前外務政務官の３氏が立候補した。

The party has decided that votes will be cast and counted on Sept. 28. We hope the three candidates will use the time available to tell party members in plain language just how they plan to reform the party--and what kind of bitter medicine the LDP will have to swallow during the reform process. They must demonstrate they possess the leadership needed to help the party overcome the biggest crisis in its history.
　２８日の投開票日まで、党の抜本改革の具体的な工程表と、改革に伴う“痛み”の大きさを率直に説明し、結党以来の危機を乗り越える指導力を持っていることを示してもらいたい。

Former Health, Labor and Welfare Minister Yoichi Masuzoe, who was considered a top contender to succeed former Prime Minister Taro Aso, and former Construction and Transport Minister Nobuteru Ishihara, who ran in last autumn's LDP presidential election, announced earlier they would not throw their hats in the ring.
　麻生前首相の後継に本命視された舛添要一・前厚生労働相や、昨秋の総裁選に出馬した石原伸晃・元国土交通相らは、早々と不出馬を宣言した。

Some observers believe that Masuzoe and Ishihara decided not to run this time because, even if elected, the next LDP president could not become prime minister as there is no prospect of the party returning to power any time soon.
　政権への早期復帰のめどが立たず、「首相になれない総裁」で終わる可能性が高いとみて、今回は見送ったとの見方もある。

===

Might not be a 'next time'

However, the party is not in a situation where it can optimistically assume there will be a "next time."
　自民党は今、「次がある」などと楽観できる状況ではない。

The only other time the LDP found itself booted into the opposition was when the administration of Morihiro Hosokawa was launched in 1993. However, the LDP returned to the ruling bloc about 10 months later. At that time, the party was the largest force in both Diet chambers.
　１９９３年の細川政権誕生で野党に転落した時は、約１０か月で政権復帰を果たしたが、当時は衆参両院とも第１党の座にあった。

The situation is completely different today: The Democratic Party of Japan is the strongest presence in both houses.
今回とは状況がまったく異なる。

Six prefectures including Niigata Prefecture have no LDP representative in the lower house. Iwate and two other prefectures have no LDP member in either Diet house. It is no stretch of the imagination to assume that pro-LDP industry organizations and local assembly members will gradually start leaning toward the DPJ and eventually become loyal supporters of the current ruling party.
　新潟など６県は衆院議員が１人もいなくなり、岩手など３県は国会議員がゼロだ。業界団体や地方議員が徐々に民主党になびいて、自民党から離反していく事態も十分予想される。

The LDP increased the number of votes given to representatives of prefectural chapters for the upcoming presidential election to 300 from the previous election's 141. It also will hold open debate meetings across the country. These measures reflect the party's recognition that there will not be a "next time" if its Diet members, local assembly members and rank-and-filers are not on the same page when it comes to rebuilding the party.
　地方票の割合を増やし、各地で公開討論会を催すのも、国会議員、地方議員、一般党員が一丸となって再建に取り組まなければ、「次」はないとの認識からだろう。

The three candidates said they will end the huge influence that factions hold over party management and personnel matters, and that incumbents will be given priority in the selection of election candidates. However, the necessity of such changes has been pointed out each time the party has been defeated in an election. It is natural that the party should carry out such reforms--this time could be the last chance to do so.
　３氏は、派閥が影響力を持つ党運営や人事、現職優先の候補者選考などを見直すとしている。いずれも選挙で敗北するたびに、改革の必要性が指摘されてきた。今度こそ実行しなければなるまい。

===

Time to start rebuilding

More importantly, LDP members should start by bracing themselves for a lengthy stay on the opposition benches. Accepting this sobering likelihood will be the first step in strengthening the party to a point where it can carry out political activities, steadily and tenaciously, across the nation.
　それ以上に大事なのは、野党時代が長引くことを覚悟することだ。その上で、地道で粘り強い政治活動を全国で展開できる力を養うことである。

Government subsidies to the party are expected to plunge from about 15.7 billion yen before the lower house election to about 10.4 billion yen. The LDP will have little option but to slash the number of party staffers and members' secretaries. If the party is serious about winning next summer's House of Councillors election, it should not hesitate to make sweeping changes to its list of would-be candidates if necessary.
　政党交付金は、選挙前の約１５７億円から約１０４億円に激減する見込みだ。党職員や秘書の大幅なリストラは避けられない。来年夏の参院選に勝利するには、大胆な候補者差し替えもためらうべきではないだろう。

Such actions could invite a fierce backlash and even lead to a split in the party if they are not handled properly. Even so, the LDP needs a leader who can convince any skeptics within the party to get on board, and, if push comes to shove, overcome any defiance.
　激しい反発を招き、対応を誤ると分裂する恐れも出てこよう。それでも、党内を説得し、抵抗を突破できる指導者が、今の自民党には必要だ。

Even if a successful candidate obtains the support of local assembly members and rank-and-file party members, the LDP will be viewed by many people as a "political party incapable of transforming itself" if the new LDP president ducks important national issues by focusing on such matters as dispensing with factions or ushering in a generational change in the party.
　地方議員や一般党員の支持を得ようと、派閥解消や世代交代を唱えてお茶を濁すようなら、国民からは「自己変革できない政党」の烙印(らくいん)を押されるだろう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 19, 2009)
（2009年9月19日01時03分 読売新聞）

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官僚会見禁止 政治主導をはき違えてないか

The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 18, 2009)
Muzzling bureaucrats might be step too far
官僚会見禁止　政治主導をはき違えてないか（9月18日付・読売社説）

Members of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's Cabinet agreed at an informal meeting Wednesday that regular press conferences by administrative vice ministers and other bureaucrats will be abolished, and that concerned lawmakers such as ministers instead would hold press conferences to express the official views of ministries and agencies. After the meeting, government organizations were notified of this decision.
　鳩山新内閣が、閣僚懇談会で「府省の見解を表明する記者会見は、大臣等の『政』が行い、事務次官等の定例記者会見は行わない」ことを申し合わせ、各府省に通達した。

Official press conferences by ranking ministry and agency officials such as administrative vice ministers and other top bureaucrats are valuable opportunities for the news media to ask questions on technical issues related to each ministry and agency.
　官僚トップの事務次官など、府省幹部の公式記者会見は、担当行政にかかわる専門的なテーマについて、見解をただす貴重な機会になっている。

We have no objection to the Hatoyama Cabinet's drive to transform the nation's politics from its overdependence on bureaucrats to one led by politicians.
　鳩山内閣が「官僚依存」の政治を「政治主導」へと転換させていくことに異論はない。

However, we cannot condone the new administration if it attempts--under the name of "reducing the power of bureaucrats"--to restrict opportunities for the media to ask questions and consequently infringe on the public's right to know. We want the Hatoyama administration to reconsider its decision to muzzle bureaucrats.
　しかし、その名のもと、報道機関の取材の機会を制限し、国民の「知る権利」を奪うのであれば、容認できない。官僚会見の禁止に再考を求めたい。

Banning these media conferences appears to be an attempt by the new Cabinet to show that it will not allow top ministry and agency officials to control policy direction via press conferences.
　新内閣が官僚の記者会見禁止を打ち出したのは、各府省の幹部が会見を通じて、政策を方向付けたりすることは許さない、という意思表示と言えよう。

===

Drawing the line

The agreement among the Cabinet members underlines that lawmakers have responsibility for planning, adjusting and deciding policies, and that bureaucrats should help this process. This relationship between lawmakers and bureaucrats is quite reasonable.
　申し合わせでは、政策の立案・調整・決定は、「政」が責任を持って行い、「官」はこれを補佐すると強調している。この政官関係は、当然のことである。

But banning press conferences by administrative vice ministers and other bureaucrats seems excessive. It also is unclear just who "other bureaucrats" refers to.
　だが、そこで「事務次官等」の会見まで禁止するのは、明らかに行き過ぎだ。「等」がどこまでを指すのかも判然としない。

The Cabinet says ministers will allow bureaucrats to hold press conferences if their expertise is needed or the situation demands. However, the standard for this is so vague that there has already been some confusion at ministries and agencies.
　「専門性その他の状況に応じ」、大臣の判断で官僚会見も行うとしているが、基準があいまいで、各府省で混乱を生じている。

Government entities have to inform the public about many issues. Some of them are urgent matters, such as influenza outbreaks and disasters. It is unrealistic to expect lawmakers to hold every single press conference on such issues.
　各府省には、国民に知らせるべきことが数多くある。インフルエンザや災害の発生状況など緊急を要する問題もある。こうした記者会見を「政」が一手に引き受けるのは、非現実的だろう。

Of course, in an ideal world, ministers, vice ministers and parliamentary secretaries could understand every detail on all policy issues and give a full account of them. But there are question marks over whether this is really possible.
　肝心な政策問題も、大臣、副大臣、政務官らが詳細を掌握し、説明を尽くせればよいが、実際に可能なのかどうか疑問は残る。

===

Unintended consequences

The new Cabinet's disdain for bureaucrats' press conferences has stirred concern that bureaucrats might feel intimidated and become hesitant to disclose information that could be necessary for the public. We are worried that bureaucrats might use the ban as an excuse not to hold press conferences, and try to conceal scandals and other problems.
　今回の通達で懸念されるのは、官僚が萎(い)縮(しゅく)し、国民に必要な情報の開示に消極的になることだ。通達を盾に会見を拒み、不祥事などを隠蔽(いんぺい)する恐れもある。

Administrative bodies are supposed to always be open to the public. The role of the news media is to watch and scrutinize ministries and agencies on behalf of the public.
　そもそも、行政機関は、常に国民からよく見える存在でなければならない。報道機関は、国民に代わって行政機関を監視する役割を担っている。

Restricting press conferences would make the policy-making process less transparent. This would go against the new government's aim of breaking the dominance of bureaucrats.
　記者会見を制限し、政策決定過程の透明性が低下することになれば、新政権の掲げる「官僚支配打破」にも反することになろう。

The agreement by the new ministers says lawmakers and bureaucrats should carry out their responsibilities for the country and its people based on a clear separation of roles. If that is the case, then by the same token, lawmakers and bureaucrats could hold different kinds of press conferences based on their respective roles.
　申し合わせでは、「政」と「官」は、役割分担に基づいて、国家国民のために職務を遂行する、としている。それならば記者会見も、それぞれ役割を分担して実施すればよいはずである。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 18, 2009)
（2009年9月18日01時31分 読売新聞）

鳩山内閣発足 進路を誤らず改革を進めよ

The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 17, 2009)
Take the right direction toward change
鳩山内閣発足　進路を誤らず改革を進めよ（9月17日付・読売社説）

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's new administration got up and running Wednesday, though public sentiment seems split between expectation and anxiety over the nation's political future.
Members of the new Cabinet should not allow themselves to feel any exhilaration over the birth of this historic government.
　多くの国民の期待と不安が交錯する中での出発である。
　鳩山新内閣が１６日発足した。歴史的な政権交代だが、その高揚感に浸っている余裕はないはずだ。

Confusion caused by the transfer of power also must be avoided, as the new government will have to tackle such urgent issues as pulling the nation out of the global recession, designing the future of the social security system and developing a new strategic foreign policy. To achieve tangible results, all of these tasks must be conducted at full power.
　世界不況からの脱出、社会保障制度の将来設計、新たな戦略的外交――。新内閣は、政権交代に伴う混乱を避けつつ、待ったなしの課題に総力で取り組み、具体的な成果を上げねばならない。

===

Be flexible over manifesto vows
　◆公約の「自縛」に陥るな◆

The public is expecting the new Cabinet to change the Liberal Democratic Party's style of politics, which had hit an impasse. This desire for change was made clear by the results of the recent House of Representatives election.
　新内閣への期待は、行き詰まりを見せていた自民党政治の転換にある。それが、衆院選で示された民意と言えよう。

However, people also are concerned that excessive changes might lead to problems. The new Cabinet should take a levelheaded approach to continuing the basic policies of its predecessors with regard to the future course of the nation.
　一方で、行き過ぎた変革が混迷をもたらすのではないかと、国民が不安を感じているのも事実だ。歴代政権が積み重ねてきた日本の進路にかかわる基本政策は、継続する冷静な判断が大切だ。

Meanwhile, the Democratic Party of Japan should not cling too tenaciously to the pledges it made for the lower house election. People who voted the DPJ into power do not necessarily support all of these promises.
　民主党は、衆院選の政権公約に固執してはなるまい。民主党に投票した有権者は、すべての公約に賛成しているわけではない。

There also are some public doubts as to whether financial resources can be secured for many of the DPJ manifesto pledges and whether some of these pledges are really feasible, including a child-allowance system, toll-free expressways and targets for cutting the nation's greenhouse gas emissions. According to opinion polls, more people than not oppose many of these election vows.
　子ども手当、高速道路の無料化、温室効果ガスの排出削減目標など、多くの公約は、財源確保や目標達成が疑問視されている。世論調査でも、反対が賛成を上回る例が少なくない。

The DPJ apparently is keen to avoid criticism for breaking its promises. However, it would be even worse for the DPJ to fall into an election-pledge trap of its own making, which could cause irreversible damage. It is vital for the party to have the courage to reexamine its pledges and revise those in need of improvement.
　民主党とすれば、「公約違反」との批判を避けたいだろうが、自縄自縛に陥り、取り返しのつかない事態になる方がはるかに問題である。公約を吟味し、見直すべきものは見直す勇気が大事だ。

In the new Cabinet, DPJ Acting President Naoto Kan became deputy prime minister and national strategy minister, and former DPJ Secretary General Katsuya Okada assumed the post of foreign minister.
　新内閣では、民主党の菅直人代表代行が副総理兼国家戦略相に、岡田克也・前幹事長が外相に、それぞれ就任した。

Hirohisa Fujii, the party's top adviser, was appointed finance minister, while former DPJ President Seiji Maehara was named construction and transport minister.
財務相には藤井裕久最高顧問、国土交通相には前原誠司・元代表が起用された。

Hatoyama apparently has taken the power balance of intraparty groups into consideration and placed people who have proven themselves in the past in important posts.
　党内勢力のバランスに配慮しつつ、実績のある人材を要所に配置した。

Though the makeup of the new Cabinet seems solid, it seems to lack a certain freshness.
手堅い布陣と言えるが、清新さに欠ける印象は否めない。

At a press conference held in the evening, Hatoyama underscored his intention to end the practice of excessive government dependence on bureaucrats with regard to policy-making.
　鳩山首相は記者会見で、「脱・官僚依存政治」を強調した。

Key to his success will be the national strategy bureau and the administrative renewal council, to be administered by Kan and Administrative Renewal Minister Yoshito Sengoku, respectively.
そのカギを握るのが、菅国家戦略相と仙谷由人行政刷新相が所管する国家戦略局と行政刷新会議だ。

===

Politician-led politics
　◆政治主導は実現するか◆

The national strategy bureau--for now--will take on the jobs of recompiling the fiscal 2009 supplementary budget and setting out policies for compiling the budget for the next fiscal year.
　国家戦略局は当面、今年度補正予算の組み替えや来年度予算編成方針の策定に取り組む。

Putting the economy firmly on the path to recovery is the top priority of all economic policies, and finding financial sources to fund new initiatives that come with huge price tags is of crucial importance. Hatoyama, therefore, must ensure his new administration juggles these two difficult goals.
　経済政策では、景気を回復軌道に乗せることが最優先課題だ。一方で、新規施策の巨額の財源確保も必要となる。双方に目配りした舵(かじ)取りが求められる。

There are concerns over possible frictions between the national strategy bureau and ministries and agencies, as the extent of the national strategy bureau's authority has yet to be established. Kan should work in close consultation with Fujii on budgetary matters.
　国家戦略局の権限が不明確なため、各府省と摩擦が生じる懸念もある。菅国家戦略相は藤井財務相らと緊密に連携すべきだ。

The administrative renewal council is charged with a "zero-based review" of the work done by ministries, agencies and independent administrative institutions. Powerful political leadership that can weed out resistance by bureaucrats and relevant organizations is indispensable in terms of plunging the scalpel into the vested interests of each government entity and effecting the large-scale transfer of work performed by the central government to local governments and the private sector.
　行政刷新会議は、各府省や独立行政法人などの事務をゼロベースで見直す。各府省の既得権益に深く切り込み、国の事務を地方や民間に大胆に移管するには、官僚や関係団体の抵抗を排する強力な政治力が不可欠だ。

Labor unions that support the DPJ could be a stumbling block to reform. In addition to Sengoku, Hatoyama himself must exercise leadership in this endeavor.
　民主党の支持団体の労組も抵抗勢力となりかねない。仙谷行政刷新相はもとより、鳩山首相自身が指導力を発揮せねばならない。

To enable politicians to assume leadership in policy-making, it is essential to have a robust Cabinet lineup, with key ministers keeping their posts until this Cabinet resigns--a departure from the LDP's practice of constantly reshuffling the cabinet.
　政治主導には、少なくとも重要閣僚は「一内閣一閣僚」というぐらいの布陣が必要だ。自民党政権の年中行事だった内閣改造の慣行を改めることも課題だろう。

Health, Labor and Welfare Minister Akira Nagatsuma stepped into the limelight two years ago, when he grilled the government over its sloppy pension-record-keeping. Nagatsuma is now tasked with directing the ministry instead of leveling a barrage of criticism against it. He will be tested on whether he has the ability to make bureaucrats dance to his tune.
　長妻昭厚生労働相は、「消えた年金」問題の追及で脚光を浴びた。今後は、厚労省を批判するのでなく、牽引(けんいん)する責任を担う。官僚を使いこなす手腕が問われる。

Social Democratic Party leader Mizuho Fukushima was appointed as state minister in charge of consumer affairs and the declining birthrate. Her appointment likely is aimed at reflecting the viewpoint of women and consumers in general with regard to the government's policies. We hope Fukushima will try to implement a well-balanced administration that does not express views that largely differ from the government line in order to make her party's presence felt.
　社民党の福島瑞穂党首は、消費者・少子化相に起用された。女性や生活者の視点を政策に反映する狙いだろう。社民党の存在感を示そうとして突出した主張を展開せず、バランスのとれた行政を心がけてほしい。

Meanwhile, People's New Party leader Shizuka Kamei was named state minister in charge of financial services and postal reform.
While it is necessary to revamp the somewhat flawed Japan Post Holdings Co. led by Yoshifumi Nishikawa and review the privatization of postal services by taking end-users' convenience into consideration, Kamei should not digress from the original purpose of the privatization, and should refrain from any attempt to revive the huge financial institution at the government's initiative.
　国民新党の亀井静香代表は、金融・郵政改革相に就任した。ほころびが目立つ日本郵政の「西川体制」の刷新や、利用者本位の郵政民営化の見直しは必要だ。ただ、民営化の本筋を歪(ゆが)め、巨大官製金融を復活させるべきではない。

Hatoyama should not easily be pushed into agreeing to policies put forward by the DPJ's coalition partners--the SDP and the PNP.
　鳩山首相は、政策面で連立相手の社民、国民新両党に安易に引きずられてはなるまい。

===
Tests lie ahead
　◆日米基軸の堅持を◆

In terms of foreign policy, Hatoyama's first real test will come next week during a visit to the United States.
　外交では、来週の鳩山首相の訪米が最初の試金石となる。

Concerning the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, Hatoyama says the mission will not automatically be extended beyond its mid-January expiration. If this is the case, the prime minister should strive to find another way to continue the mission rather than by "the automatic extension of the expiration."
　インド洋での海上自衛隊の給油活動について、首相は「来年１月の期限を単純に延長することはない」という。それなら、「単純な延長」以外の方法で、活動を継続する道を探るべきではないか。

The realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, including the relocation of U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture, also is an important issue. We believe steady implementation of the agreement between Japan and the United States is the fastest way to reduce the burden on local governments in the prefecture.
　普天間飛行場の移設など在日米軍再編は、日米合意を着実に実施することこそが、沖縄など地元自治体の負担軽減の近道である。

With regard to North Korean nuclear issues, Washington recently has shown its readiness to hold direct talks with Pyongyang. In order to get North Korea back around the six-party table and obtain concessions from Pyongyang, the Japanese government needs to steadily implement a U.N. Security Council sanction resolution and continue to put pressure on North Korea.
　北朝鮮の核問題では、米国が最近、北朝鮮との対話に応じる姿勢に転じた。北朝鮮を６か国協議に復帰させ、譲歩を勝ち取るには、国連の制裁決議を着実に履行し、圧力をかけ続ける必要がある。

Hatoyama also should reaffirm Japan's close cooperation with China, South Korea, Russian and the United States and try to pass into law as quickly as possible a bill to permit inspections of cargo carried by North Korean ships and aircraft.
　鳩山首相は、米中韓露との連携を再確認するとともに、北朝鮮に対する貨物検査特別措置法案の早期成立を図るべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 17, 2009)
（2009年9月17日01時14分 読売新聞）

新人議員 「国事」を担う志と責任感を

The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 16, 2009)
Hopes, responsibilities of new Diet members
新人議員　「国事」を担う志と責任感を（9月16日付・読売社説）

As a result of the change of government, the House of Representatives chamber will have a completely different look when a special Diet session convenes Wednesday. The seats allocated to the largest party in the lower house, which are located to the speaker's right, will be taken by the Democratic Party of Japan, instead of the Liberal Democratic Party.
　今日召集される特別国会の衆院本会議場の風景は、政権交代によって、がらりと一変する。議長席から見て、右側の第１党の席は、自民党に代わって民主党が陣取る。

Of the DPJ seats, nearly half will be occupied by the 143 members who were elected to the Diet for the first time. The first-time Diet members include former employees of private firms and local assembly members. Some of them previously worked as bureaucrats and as secretaries for Diet members. Among the freshmen, some have absolutely no experience in politics.
　その半分近い広さを１４３人の同党新人議員が占める。
　初当選組には、民間企業や地方議員の出身者もいれば、議員秘書や官僚を務めた者も少なくない。政治経験が全くない人もいる。

How will politics change under the DPJ government and what policies will actually be carried out? Those putting on their Diet members tags for the first time on Wednesday will immediately come under close scrutiny.
　民主党政権下で、政治の何を変え、どんな政策を実行していくのか。初登院して議員バッジをつける今日からさっそく試される。

===

Duties of representatives

"Daigishi," as lower house members are called, means a person who discusses state affairs on behalf of the public. First of all, newly elected lawmakers should once again carefully read the Constitution--the basic law of the land--and the Diet Law, which stipulates the rules of the Diet.
　代議士とは、国民を代表し「国事」を議する人という意味だ。まずは、国の基本法である憲法と国会ルールを定めた国会法を、改めて熟読してもらいたい。

It is also important that they proceed with their work keeping an up-to-date image in their minds of the times and the future direction of the nation as a whole.
　確かな時代認識を持ち、国家全体の行く末を常に視野に入れ、仕事を進めることも大事だ。

Of the 83 so-called Koizumi Kids, who were selected by former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and who swept to victory in the 2005 lower house election, only nine were reelected this time as LDP candidates.
　「小泉チルドレン」と呼ばれた８３人のうち、引き続き自民党から出馬して再選されたのは、わずか９人に過ぎない。

The DPJ's first-time Diet members should keep in mind that they, too, could face the same destiny. They should remember that more important than anything else is to work steadily on a daily basis on their duties for the Diet and their local constituencies.
　民主党の新人も、明日はわが身かもしれない。国会や地元での地道な日常活動が何より重要だ。

When former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone attended the Diet for the first time, he wore a black tie, saying that he did so because the country would remain in mourning as long as it was occupied by the United States. It was a start befitting Nakasone, who went on to call for Japan to write its own constitution and, as prime minister, for the issues blighting Japan's postwar political system to be settled once and for all.
　かつて、中曽根元首相は、黒ネクタイで初登院した。「米国占領中は喪中だ」というのがその理由だった。その後一貫して、自主憲法制定を唱え、首相時代には「戦後政治の総決算」を掲げた中曽根氏らしい出発だった。

All the newly elected Diet members will undoubtedly have their own political beliefs and ideals. We hope that they will not forget these aspirations that they have in their minds on their first official day in the Diet.
　議員一人ひとりに、政治信条や理想があるに違いない。初登院の日の「志」を、政治家生活の中で貫いていってほしい。

===

Fall not into temptation

Many Diet member activities are supported by taxpayers' money paid to them in the form of annual allowances and party subsidies. Diet members have privileges and face financial temptations when it comes to dealing with vested interests.
Given these factors, it is important they keep themselves on the straight and narrow, never forgetting the viewpoint of the ordinary man in the street.
　国会議員の活動の多くは、歳費や政党交付金など税金で支えられている。議員特権もあれば、利権絡みの金銭的な誘惑もある。それこそ、「生活者の視点」で身を正していくことが肝要だろう。

Sooner or later, the newly elected Diet members will be stationed as parliamentary secretaries or other posts in government ministries and agencies.
　いずれ、政務官などとして各府省に配置されることになる。

Unlike their seniors, newly elected DPJ members will start their careers as lawmakers in the ruling camp. Therefore, they will be in the position of "directing" officials in government departments rather than "challenging" them.
　民主党新人は、先輩とは違って与党として議員生活をスタートさせる。役所を「追及」するのではなく、「指示」する立場だ。

They will probably find it difficult to work effectively with government officials at first. But they will find it better to try working with bureaucrats, with a willingness to learn from their specialized administrative expertise.
　最初から役人を使いこなすのは難しいだろう。行政の専門知識をもつ官僚から学ぶ気持ちで協働作業をすればいい。

Only trouble will result if they come to represent the clanlike interests of certain industries and prefectures. Instead, becoming well-versed in policy matters will be a powerful tool for getting their points across to bureaucrats.
　業界や各府省の権益を代弁する族議員になっては困る。ただ、政策に精通することは、官僚を説き伏せる武器になる。

Meanwhile, the LDP has only five newly elected Diet members. But this means they will have a great opportunity to engage in a variety of tasks. We hope that as members of an opposition party, they will work with a strong determination to keep a close eye on the administration led by the incoming prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama.
　一方、自民党の新人はわずか５人にとどまる。それだけ、多くの仕事を受け持つ好機でもある。野党議員として、鳩山政権を厳しく追及する気迫が求められる。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 16, 2009)
（2009年9月16日01時21分 読売新聞）

リーマン１年 金融再生に教訓を生かせ

The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 15, 2009)
Apply lessons learned from Lehman Shock
リーマン１年　金融再生に教訓を生かせ（9月15日付・読売社説）

The global financial crisis that originated in the United States, said to be the worst in a century, has been easing, but a full-fledged recovery seems a long way off.
　「１００年に１度」とも言われた米国発の金融危機は、最悪期を脱しつつある。しかし、再生への道のりは、まだ半ばといえよう。

A year has passed since major U.S. investment bank Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc. collapsed on Sept. 15, 2008. The so-called Lehman Shock caused an unprecedented financial crisis that pushed nations across the world into a simultaneous economic downturn.
　米大手証券のリーマン・ブラザーズが昨年９月１５日に経営破綻(はたん)してから１年になる。リーマン・ショックは、未曽有の金融危機の引き金になり、世界を深刻な同時不況に陥れた。

Prior to Lehman Brothers' collapse, the housing bubble had burst in the United States, and the market for higher-risk financial derivatives packed with mortgages had contracted sharply. This happened because monetary authorities failed to take swift action to respond to market volatility.
　米国で住宅バブルが崩壊し、住宅ローンなどを組み込んだハイリスクな金融商品が暴落した。そうした市場の暴走に、金融当局の対応も遅れた結果だ。

A year after the failure of Lehman Brothers, instability in global financial markets has finally been alleviated, and the world financial and economic situation is picking up.
　１年がたち、金融不安はようやく和らぎ、世界の金融・経済情勢は持ち直してきた。

===

U.S. economy remains weak

Japan, China, European nations, the United States and other major countries mobilized every possible policy weapon at their disposal, including large-scale economic pump-priming activities and extraordinary easy-money policies. It is significant that international cooperation brought about good results and prevented the crisis from spiraling out of control.
　日米欧と中国などが、大型の景気対策や、異例の金融緩和策などの政策を総動員した。その国際協調が効果を発揮し、危機の連鎖を食い止めた意義は大きい。

Stock prices in Japan, Europe and the United States, which had tumbled, have recovered to levels about 10 percent lower than those recorded before the Lehman Shock. Stock prices in emerging countries, such as China, are turning up.
　急落した日米欧の株価は現在、リーマン・ショック前の１割減の水準まで回復し、中国など新興国の株価は上昇に転じている。

Economies in major countries are on a recovery track. Among leading countries that have registered negative growth, Japan returned to positive growth during the April-June period. Although Europe and the United States have so far been unable to sail out of the economic doldrums, their economies are expected to bottom out this year. China has maintained an economic growth rate of about 8 percent.
　景気も回復基調だ。マイナス成長に陥った先進国のうち、日本は４～６月期にプラス成長に転じ、景気後退が続く米国と欧州も、年内の底入れが見込まれる。中国は約８％の成長率を維持する。

But the financial crisis is not over. There is little ground for optimism.
　しかし、危機が完全に去ったわけではない。楽観は禁物だ。

In the United States, the jobless rate has risen to about 10 percent. Individual consumption remains low, and the economy remains weak. There are fears that a double-dip recession could occur.
　震源地の米国では、失業率が約１０％に上昇している。個人消費の低迷も続き、景気回復力は弱い。再び景気が悪化する「二番底」も懸念される。

The sluggish U.S. economy could have serious consequences for the rest of the world, including Japan. Given that the global economy has yet to make a full-fledged recovery, it would be premature to begin an exit strategy and scale down economic pump-priming measures.
　米国経済のもたつきは、日本など世界に打撃となる。世界景気が本格的に回復するまで、景気刺激策を元に戻す「出口戦略」に踏み出すことは時期尚早だろう。

===

G-20 meet focus of attention

To avoid a recurrence of the crisis, it is an urgent task to strengthen financial regulation and supervision.
　危機再発を防ぐための金融規制と監督の強化も急務だ。

The administration of U.S. President Barack Obama has announced its new reform proposals to tighten controls over the financial sector. But there are moves in the United States to oppose Obama's reform proposals.
　オバマ米大統領は、新たな規制改革案を示した。だが、米国内にはこれに反発する動きがある。

The Group of 20 developed and emerging nations also aims to strengthen regulations by reviewing the capital adequacy ratios of financial institutions and capping executive bonuses, but has had difficulty setting international rules due to conflicts of interest.
　主要２０か国・地域（Ｇ２０）も、金融機関の自己資本比率の見直しや経営陣の報酬制限などの規制の強化を目指すが、利害の対立で国際ルール作りは難航している。

It is feared that movements of speculative money have revived, taking advantage of a delay in efforts by individual countries to strengthen financial regulations. Crude oil and gold prices are soaring. We should stay alert for the rapid expansion of money flowing outside the real economy.
　取り組みの遅れを見透かすように、投機マネーの動きが復活してきたのが気がかりだ。原油、金などの価格が急上昇している。実体経済と遊離したマネーの再膨張を警戒しなければなるまい。

The G-20 financial summit meeting will be held in Pittsburgh on Sept. 24-25. How will the world's financial leaders apply the lessons learned from the Lehman Shock? Their ability to take action to accelerate financial revitalization will be put to the test.
　２４日から米ピッツバーグで、Ｇ２０金融サミットが開かれる。リーマン・ショックの教訓をどう生かすか。金融再生を加速する行動が首脳たちに問われよう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 15, 2009)
（2009年9月15日01時09分 読売新聞）

香山リカのココロの万華鏡：思春期の悩みはラッキー ／東京

(Mainichi Japan) September 13, 2009
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Suffering from teen angst? Lucky you!
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：思春期の悩みはラッキー　／東京

During the summer break, I was given the chance to present a lecture to a group of junior high school students in Hokkaido. Originally, I was only to give a talk to their parents and guardians in the evening, but was asked to add the kids to my schedule.
　この夏休み、北海道のある町の中学生たちの前で講演をする機会があった。夜にその町の保護者たちに向けての講演を行う予定だったのだが、「せっかくなので昼に子どもたちにも」と依頼されたのだ。

My student audience that afternoon numbered 200, drawn from every grade in the idyllic country town's two junior highs. Most of them were tanned nearly black, and looked very healthy. My current office is located in a business district, and I rarely have a patient under 16 years old. Even so, I can say that the faces of these kids were very different from those one sees in big cities.
　聴衆は、その自然がいっぱいの町にあるふたつの中学の生徒２００人。１年から３年まで全部合わせてもその人数なのだという。多くの生徒が真っ黒に日焼けし、とても健康そうだ。私が現在、勤務する診療所はビジネス街に近いせいもあり、１５歳以下の患者さんはほとんど来ないが、都会で見る中学生の顔とは明らかに違う、とうれしくなった。

I covered two topics that day. First of all, I explained to them that, even if they didn't have a concrete dream for the future, they would be OK. I told them that even if they hadn't noticed it consciously, deep in their hearts, many were already forming a plan for what direction they would take their lives in.
　その日、私はふたつのことを話した。ひとつは、「夢などなくても大丈夫」ということ。自分で気づかなくても、心の奥の奥ではちゃんと「私にはこれが向いている」「僕がやりたいのはこんなこと」と計画が立てられていることが多い。

So, they should trust themselves, and for the time being, do their best with what's going on right now. "If you do that," I said, "your heart will set you on the right path."
　だから、自分を信頼し、とりあえず目の前にあることを一生懸命やろう。そうすれば、心はあなたを正しい方向に導いてくれるはず。

Second, I told them that "those of you who find yourselves troubled, find yourselves hurt, you are the lucky ones." When in junior high, kids have a tendency to think their lives are terrible if they run up against a difficult experience, but this isn't so.
　それから、もうひとつ。「いま悩んでいる人、傷ついている人はラッキー」という話もした。中学のときにイヤな体験をすると、「こんな人生、最悪」と思ってしまいがちだが実は違う。

Kids who face up to and recover from the trials and aggravations of pubescence gain the courage and wisdom to overcome serious barriers throughout their lives.
　大事な思春期のときに悩み、苦しみに立ち向かう経験をした人は、一生を乗り越えるだけの知恵と勇気を手にできる。

Conversely, those kids who can say every day is fun and carefree, who go through those three years of junior high without knowing serious frustration or pain, will have to be careful when they are adults.
逆に、「毎日が楽しくて楽しくて」と挫折も悩みも知らずにこの時期をすごした人は、大人になってからちょっと気をつけたほうがいい。

When I said this, I spotted a number of girls in the audience crying and covering their eyes.
　そういう話をしたら、会場にいた数人の女子生徒が涙ぐんだり目を押さえたりしているのが目に入った。

Even in this small town, surrounded by nature, there are kids worried and hurt over issues with family and school friends. How could it be otherwise?
　こんな小さな、自然に恵まれた町の中学にも、家庭のこと、学校の友だち関係のことなどで、悩み傷ついている子どもたちがいるのだろうか。当然、そうだろう。

No matter how wholesome the environment is, how much one has grown up surrounded by sea and mountain, trouble and confusion between people does not go away, and it would not surprise me to learn that bullying was a problem in this town's junior highs.
　いくら環境が良い場所に住んでいても、家族関係や人間関係のゴタゴタまでが消えてなくなるわけではない。いじめの問題がこの町の中学にあってもおかしくはない。

No matter how tanned these kids are, how bright their eyes, we must realize that "kids today" remain subject to all manner of cares and worries.
　いくら日焼けして目をキラキラさせていても、海や山に囲まれた土地で育っていても、“いまどきの子どもたち”はそれぞれさまざまな悩みを抱えている。

"Kids look so happy, so they must really be happy inside as well." This is no more than an arbitrary and perhaps convenient way of thinking on the part of adults. I learned a lot from the tears of those students in that beautiful Hokkaido town. (By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
　「元気そうな顔をしているから、心の中も晴天なのだろう」などというのは、大人の勝手な考えにしかすぎないのだ。自然豊かな町の中学生の涙に、いろいろなことを教えられた気がした。

毎日新聞　2009年9月8日　地方版

政治主導 官僚を敵視せず使いこなせ

The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 14, 2009)
Don't vilify bureaucrats--employ their expertise
政治主導　官僚を敵視せず使いこなせ（9月14日付・読売社説）

The Democratic Party of Japan says the transfer of the reins of government offers a good opportunity to take power out of the hands of bureaucrats and put it into lawmakers' hands. But politician-led government should be a means to an end--the formulation and implementation of better policies--not an end in itself.
　民主党は、政権交代は「官僚主導」政治を「政治主導」に転換する好機という。だが、政治主導は、より良い政策の立案と実行のための手段であり、目的ではあるまい。

Keeping this in mind, we hope the DPJ operates the new administration in a way that brings about tangible results.
　民主党は、この点を肝に銘じて新政権を運営し、具体的な成果につなげてもらいたい。

The DPJ has drawn up a framework for a politician-initiated decision-making system under which about 100 of the party's lawmakers will be placed in ministries and agencies, a national strategy bureau under the direct control of the prime minister will be set up as a "control tower," politicians will decide on and coordinate policies through committees comprising cabinet ministers tasked with working in particular policy fields, and the administrative vice ministers' meeting will be abolished.
　国会議員約１００人を政府内に配置する。首相直属の国家戦略局を司令塔とし、少人数の閣僚によるテーマ別の閣僚委員会を活用して、政治家が政策を調整、決定する。事務次官会議は廃止する。
　これが、民主党の描く政治主導の意思決定システムの骨格だ。

Using the opportunity provided by the transfer of administrative power, the DPJ aims to eliminate collusive bidding practices conducted at the initiative of government officials and wasteful spending of taxpayers' money by targeting bureaucrats' vested interests. We have no objection to that. It is important to clarify the roles of politicians and bureaucrats and then create new rules that reflect that distinction.
　政権交代を機に、官僚の既得権益に切り込み、官製談合や税金の無駄遣いを徹底して排除する狙いに、異論はない。政治家と官僚の役割分担を明確にし、新たなルールを作ることも大切だろう。

===

Precedent not sacred

Now is also a good chance to end the custom of following precedent without careful consideration and reexamine past practices. One example of how this could be achieved is the DPJ's pledge to investigate a purported secret Japan-U.S. pact allowing the entry into Japan of U.S. nuclear-armed naval vessels and aircraft, which Foreign Ministry officials are said to have long regarded as untouchable.
　安易な前例踏襲をやめ、再点検する機会でもある。外務官僚がタブーとしてきた、核持ち込みに関する日米の密約問題を調査する民主党の方針は、その一例だ。

The basis of politician-led politics is that lawmakers picked by the public make decisions by themselves on important policies, thereby assuming responsibility for them. As high-priority tasks for the new cabinet will be tackled using a top-down approach, the concept behind the national strategy bureau makes sense.
　国民から選ばれた政治家が重要な政策について自ら判断し、その責任を負う。それが政治主導の本質だ。新内閣の最優先課題をトップダウンで決めるため、国家戦略局を活用する構想は悪くない。

It is true that current cabinet meetings are largely ceremonial. It is, therefore, significant that a small number of concerned ministers will discuss the nitty-gritty of policies at cabinet committees and coordinate them.
　現在の閣議が形骸(けいがい)化しているのは事実だ。少数の関係閣僚が閣僚委員会で、実質的に議論し、政策を調整することは意味がある。

On the other hand, if the DPJ asserts its determination to realize lawmaker-led politics, lawmakers must master policy details and handle the bureaucracy skillfully. Unless they make good use of bureaucrats' expertise, administrative functions will deteriorate.
　一方で、政治主導を掲げる以上、政治家には、政策を十分理解し、官僚を使いこなす能力が求められる。官僚の専門性を活用しなければ、行政機能は低下する。

In recent years, the number of people applying to become central government officials has been declining. One reasons for this is said to be increasing criticism of public servants due to repeated revelations of bureaucratic misconduct. If the government cannot secure talented human resources, administrative work will be impeded, which will have an adverse effect on the people. It will also end up harming the nation's international competitiveness.
　近年、国家公務員志望者の減少が続いた。不祥事続発に伴う官僚批判の高まりが一因という。政府に優秀な人材が集まらなければ、行政が停滞し、困るのは国民だ。将来の国際競争にも影響する。

===

Relationship of trust crucial

In Britain, whose system of government the DPJ looks to as a model, there is criticism that there are too many ruling party lawmakers in the government, which is said to hamper administration.
　民主党が「お手本」とする英国でも、政府内の与党議員が多すぎて行政に支障を来している、との批判があるとされる。

The DPJ should not resort to bureaucrat-bashing to win the public's support as it did when it was an opposition party. It should refrain from opposing government personnel nominees requiring approval from both chambers of the Diet on the ground that they are former bureaucrats. Instead, it should make personnel appointments based on ability.
　民主党は、野党時代のように、人気取りのために官僚たたきに走るべきではない。官僚ＯＢであることだけを理由に国会同意人事に反対するといった対応は慎み、能力本位の人事を行うべきだ。

So politicians can make correct decisions, it is indispensable that they have a relationship of trust with bureaucrats, who provide fresh information and ideas. Rather than taking a hostile view of bureaucrats, it is important for lawmakers to make maximum use of their expertise.
　政治家が誤りなき判断をするには、生きた情報とアイデアを提供する官僚との信頼関係が欠かせない。官僚を敵視せず、その能力を最大限引き出すことが重要だ。

Bureaucrats, for their part, should not forget their primary responsibility is to stay politically neutral and serve the people.
　官僚も、政治的中立性を保ち、国民に奉仕する、という原点を忘れてはなるまい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 14, 2009)
（2009年9月14日01時19分 読売新聞）

財界―政治とともに変わる時だ

--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 11(IHT/Asahi: September 12,2009)
EDITORIAL: Down to business
財界―政治とともに変わる時だ

The business world, traditionally a staunch supporter of administrations led by the Liberal Democratic Party, is being pressed to alter its stance toward politics.
　自民党政権を支え続けてきた財界が、政治との関係について転換を迫られようとしている。

This begs the question: What role will it play after the inauguration of the coalition government led by Yukio Hatoyama of the Democratic Party of Japan?
　民主党中心の鳩山連立政権の誕生後どういう役割を果たしていくのか。問われているのはそのことだ。

Under the outgoing coalition setup of the LDP and its junior partner New Komeito, business leaders, such as the chairman of Nippon Keidanren (Japan Business Federation), were closely involved in policymaking as private-sector members of the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy.
　自公政権下では日本経団連会長らが経済財政諮問会議の民間議員として政策づくりに深くかかわった。

The new administration plans to abolish the council and formulate policy under the proposed National Strategy Bureau. Some business leaders have expressed concern that their voices would no longer be heard.
新政権は諮問会議を廃止し、新設の国家戦略局で政策の骨格を決めるという。財界幹部からは「意見を聞いてくれなくなるだろう」との嘆きが漏れる。

However, with a change of government, we are entering a new age. The business world needs to review its role and have the courage to push for change in response to the political upheaval.
　だが、政権交代は新しい時代の始まりである。財界は自らの役割を見直し、政治の大変動に対応して変化の道を探る勇気を持つべきだ。

The LDP-New Komeito government formed in the late 1990s put priority on economic reconstruction. To grapple with the so-called lost decade, it had to promote policies to enhance industrial competitiveness.
　９０年代後半からの自公政権の最優先課題は「経済の再生」だった。「失われた１０年」のまっただ中で産業競争力を強める政策が求められた。

Thus, the voices of industry were heard when the government came up with various policy measures. These included revisions to the Commercial Law to give more freedom to corporate activities as well as the law governing dispatched workers. The business community became more influential as industrial sectors spoke with one voice.
　企業活動の自由度を高めた商法改正や派遣社員を拡大した労働者派遣法改正など、産業界が求める政策が実行された。財界の声も力も一丸となり、発言力も強まった。

Up to now, it was common for business circles to act as a monolithic body to press the ruling parties for favorable economic policies. But this structure now seems consigned to the past. One example will revolve around policies to curb global warming.
　しかし、今後は一枚岩の財界が政権与党に経済政策を求めるという構図ではなくなるだろう。その具体例が地球温暖化対策だ。

DPJ President Hatoyama has announced a goal of cutting greenhouse gas emissions by 25 percent from the 1990 level by 2020. While the steel and electric power industries, which are major emitters, are digging their heels in, some sectors welcome the proposal because they expect it to boost demand for green products. The business community will likely find itself divided over the new administration's environmental policies.
　民主党の鳩山代表は温室効果ガスについて「２０２０年に９０年比２５％削減」という目標を打ち出した。経営への影響が大きい鉄鋼や電力などの業界は反発を強めているが、エコ商品などの需要拡大を期待する業界では評価する声もある。新政権の環境政策を巡って財界内部での意見の相違が目立つ場面も増えるのではないか。

Looking back, the business world and LDP governments have not always been in harmony. During the period of high economic growth, the business world tried to cold-shoulder government efforts to intervene in the way companies are run. It was also unhappy with the LDP's agricultural policy, which for a long time kept the nation's rice market closed.
　過去を振り返っても、財界と自民党政府の息が常に合ったわけではない。高度成長期には政府による経営への関与を財界がはねつけようとしたし、コメ開放を長らく拒んだ自民党の農業政策にも財界は不満だった。

In the past, the chairman of what was then Keidanren (Japan Federation of Economic Organizations) used to be dubbed the "prime minister of the business world." Taizo Ishizaka (1886-1975), who served as Keidanren's second chairman, is said to have argued violently with Cabinet ministers, telling them, "It's no use asking you any more."
経団連会長が「財界総理」と呼ばれたころの石坂泰三氏は閣僚らに「もう君には頼まない」と啖呵（たんか）を切り、丁々発止の関係だったとされる。

While the new administration is calling for the abolition of political donations by companies and other organizations, the business world should take it upon itself to stop the practice. It should sever monetary ties with governing parties and restrict itself to exchanging views with the government on policy matters. Building such a relationship between business and political circles will be important for the development of democracy in this country.
　新政権は企業・団体献金廃止を掲げるが、経済界は自発的に献金をやめるべきである。与党とのお金を通じた関係を絶ち、そのうえで政策を巡って政府と意見を交わすことがこの国の民主主義の発展にとって重要だ。

As long as companies are making a positive contribution to society through business activities, paying taxes and securing employment, they are entitled to a voice. It shouldn't depend on making political donations.
　企業がその活動や納税、雇用などで社会に貢献している限り、献金などしなくても発言の資格はある。

Economic analyses and policy proposals from the standpoint of the business world are significant to any administration. The vitality of companies is also indispensable to the improvement of national life. We want the business circle to also speak freely about the future of industries and employment.
　産業界からみた経済分析や政策提言はどのような政権にも有意義だろう。国民生活の向上に企業活力は不可欠だ。産業と雇用の将来像についても、自由に意見を言ってもらいたい。

We hope the business community will voluntarily transform into an organization that makes policy proposals not only for commercial profit but also for a broad range of "public interests."
　企業の利益だけでなく、幅広い「国民益」のための政策提言組織に財界が自ら脱皮していくことを期待したい。

９・１１から８年―「テロとの戦い」を超えて

--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 11(IHT/Asahi: September 12,2009)
EDITORIAL: 8 years after 9/11 attacks
９・１１から８年―「テロとの戦い」を超えて

We still remember well the stiffened face of U.S. President George W. Bush that appeared on TV after the surprise terrorist attacks.
　画面に映し出されたブッシュ米大統領の張り詰めた表情を思い出す。

On Sept. 11, 2001, hijacked passenger jets slammed into the twin towers of the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon in Washington, killing more than 3,000 people.
　８年前の９月１１日、ハイジャックされた旅客機がニューヨークの世界貿易センターや首都の国防総省に突っ込み、３千人以上が犠牲になった。

In a televised speech, Bush called the terror attacks "an act of war" and pledged retaliation against the perpetrators, declaring war against international terrorism.
　テレビを通じて「これは戦争行為だ」と語ったブッシュ氏は犯人への報復を誓い、国際テロに対する「戦争」を宣言した。

"Bush's war," which started with the U.S.-led attacks on Afghanistan, eventually led to the invasion of Iraq. The death toll among U.S. soldiers in the Iraq war alone has surpassed the number of victims in the Sept. 11 attacks. And a far larger number of Iraqi civilians have died in the conflict.
　アフガン攻撃で始まった「ブッシュ氏の戦争」はイラク攻撃につながっていく。イラクだけで９・１１テロの犠牲者数を超える米軍兵士が命を落とした。それをはるかに上回るイラクの民間人が犠牲になった。

This year, Bush, who kept claiming that the war against terrorism was justified, left the White House and President Barack Obama took office. A key slogan of the new administration is reconciliation with Islam.
　そして今年、「対テロ戦争」の正義を訴え続けたブッシュ氏に代わって、オバマ大統領が登場した。新政権のキーワードは「イスラムとの和解」である。

Bush's war against terrorism has been replaced by a confrontation with violent extremism.
「対テロ戦争」は「暴力的過激主義との対決」にとって代わられた。

The policy change is based on the lessons learned from eight years of appalling destruction, huge casualty numbers, deep sorrow and profound anger. The U.S. government has shifted from the previous policy of dividing the world simply into the terrorist camp and the rest and battering all the forces it regards as terrorists with overwhelming military power.
　８年間に及ぶすさまじい破壊と犠牲、悲しみと怒り。その教訓に立っての変化である。相手を「テロリストか否か」で単純に二分し、「テロリスト」とみなせば圧倒的な軍事力でたたくという路線からの転換だ。

The new U.S. strategy for terrorism involves tackling the factors that breed support for the extremists, such as undemocratic politics, injustice, poverty and economic stagnation. It also seeks to use dialogue to build relations of mutual trust with people from different cultural and religious backgrounds.
　非民主的な政治や不正義、貧困、経済の停滞といった、過激派への支持を生んでいる土壌に切り込む。文化や宗教の異なる人々とも対話を通じて信頼を築いていく。そんな新しい戦略が読み取れる。

The world has welcomed this new direction.
　この方向性を世界は歓迎した。

Meanwhile in Japan, the long-governing Liberal Democratic Party, which solidly supported Bush's war against terrorism, will be replaced by the Democratic Party of Japan, which opposed the Iraq war. It is clearly time for Japan to start pursuing more voluntary efforts in diplomacy and international aid that are different from those of the LDP-led government.
日本でも、ブッシュ流の対テロ戦争支持の自民党から、イラク戦争に反対した民主党に政権が交代する。自民党時代とは違う、日本の主体的な外交や支援の取り組みを構築すべき時である。

It is, however, by no means easy to end a war once it has started. President Obama, who has pledged to seek more international dialogue in grappling with the challenge, is now facing this grim truth. In particular, Obama has sent additional troops to Afghanistan to beef up the U.S. combat force for what he sees as a necessary war. But the situation in Afghanistan appears to be deteriorating steadily.
　だが、いったん始めた戦争は簡単に終わらせられない。対話を掲げるオバマ大統領が直面するのは、この冷厳な現実だ。とりわけアフガンにはオバマ氏自身が、必要な戦争として米軍の増派を進めている。しかし、状況は悪化の一途をたどっているように見える。

The Taliban, the Islamist militia that was driven from power, has re-established its presence in many parts of Afghanistan. The current Afghan government's ability to rule the nation has long been in serious doubt. Casualties are also mounting among the mainly European troops of the international force operating in Afghanistan on a peacekeeping mission. Many civilians have been killed by a series of mistaken bombings by coalition forces.
　政権を追われたタリバーンが勢力を盛り返した。現地政権の統治能力にはもともと疑問符がつく。欧州諸国などが派遣する国際部隊にも犠牲者が急増している。相次ぐ誤爆で多くの民間人が犠牲になってもいる。

Doubts are growing among the countries involved over continued deployment of their troops in Afghanistan. Britain and Germany have proposed an international conference to restore law and order in Afghanistan.
各国で駐留継続への疑問が高まり、英独両国は治安回復に向けた国際会議を提唱した。

There are also growing concerns both within and outside the United States that Afghanistan will become a replay of the Vietnam War, in which repeated troop increases failed to settle the situation and ended in a disgraceful withdrawal.
　部隊増派を繰り返しても結局解決できず、不名誉な撤退を強いられる。そんな「第二のベトナム化」の懸念さえ米国の内外で語られ始めている。

Rebuilding Afghanistan is one of the most intractable challenges confronting the world today. One thing, however, is clear. There is no way to defeat Muslim extremism without expanding dialogue with the world's Islamic communities.
　アフガニスタンをどう再建するか。いま世界が直面するもっとも難しい課題の一つだ。しかし、はっきりしていることがある。イスラム社会との対話を深めることなしに、イスラム過激主義にうち勝つ道は見いだせないということである。