さだまさしさんの「親父の一番長い日」、いやだなーって思います。
今しばらくこの幸せを続けさせてください＾＾。
今しばらくこの幸せを続けさせてください＾＾。
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 28, 2011)
Child allowance system unsustainable
子ども手当 混乱回避へ与野党協議始めよ（2月27日付・読売社説）
Deliberations on a bill to expand child-rearing allowances paid to families in fiscal 2011 have started in the House of Representatives.
子ども手当法案の審議が衆院で始まった。
Not only the Liberal Democratic Party but also New Komeito have made clear their stances against the bill. In the current divided Diet, even if the bill passed the lower house, it would almost surely be voted down in the House of Councillors, where opposition parties hold the majority. Therefore, there is only a marginal possibility that the bill will become law within the current fiscal year.
自民党だけでなく公明党も反対姿勢を明確にしている。たとえ衆院で可決されても、ねじれ国会の下、参院で否決されるのは確実で、最終的に成立は困難だ。
The current child-rearing benefit system, for families with children of middle school age or younger, is based on a temporary statute valid for one year. If the bill on a new law does not pass the Diet, the current system will revert to the former system of dependent child allowances from April.
現行の子ども手当制度は１年ごとの時限立法に基づいており、新たな法案が成立しなければ、４月からは以前の児童手当に戻らざるを得なくなる。
City, town and village governments actually in charge of handing out the child-rearing allowances changed their computer programs to fit the current system.
Therefore, it would be difficult for them to switch back to the old system so soon, as the old dependent child allowance system is quite different from the current system.
事務を受け持つ市町村は、対象世帯を把握して支給するシステムを子ども手当用に変更しているため、仕組みの異なる児童手当に急に戻せと言われても、実際には対応は難しい。
===
Major confusion expected
However, the local governments cannot prepare for the next fiscal year on the premise that the bill will not become law. If the situation goes on as it is, clerical work on issuing the benefits at municipal government offices will fall into major confusion. The ruling and opposition parties should immediately begin discussions to avoid such an outcome.
不成立を前提にして準備するわけにはいかない。このままでは市町村の支給事務に大きな混乱が生じる。与野党は、それを回避するための議論をただちに始めなければならない。
To do so, the government and the Democratic Party of Japan have to drop the child-rearing allowance system, at least for now. The government should declare a stance of returning to the old dependent child allowance system, created when the LDP and New Komeito were in power, and ask both parties for cooperation.
それには政府・民主党が子ども手当をいったん撤回することだ。自公政権が作った児童手当に立ち返る方向を示し、自公両党に協力を求めるしかあるまい。
The new bill for the second year of the child-rearing allowance system is designed to raise the current monthly handout of 13,000 yen per child to 20,000 yen for children younger than 3.
２年目の子ども手当法案は、現行の月額１万３０００円を、３歳未満については２万円に引き上げる内容だ。
The LDP and New Komeito have been arguing that improvements to child-related services, such as solving the problem of children waiting to be enrolled at certified nursery schools, should be given priority rather than maintaining a system to dole out cash.
自公両党は、現金支給というバラマキよりも、待機児童の解消など現物サービスを優先すべきだと主張している。
The child-rearing allowance system has been impossible from the beginning. It would require a hefty 5.5 trillion yen annually to fund the full monthly amount of 26,000 yen per child that the DPJ has pledged to eventually provide, but there was no prospect for securing stable revenue sources.
そもそも、安定的な財源の見通しを欠いたまま、満額支給すれば年５・５兆円もの巨費を投じることになる子ども手当は、土台から無理があった。
===
Kan: Surprised at 26,000 yen
Prime Minister Naoto Kan himself has admitted as much.
首相自らそれを認めている。
During recent deliberations on the bill at the Diet, he said, "I was little bit surprised to hear the monthly amount of 26,000 yen when Mr. [Ichiro] Ozawa was party president," recalling the time when the DPJ was deciding the amount.
国会審議で菅首相は、子ども手当の額決定の際、「小沢代表当時に２万６０００円と聞いて、ちょっとびっくりした」と述べた。
As Kaoru Yosano, state minister in charge of economic and fiscal policy, described it, this remark is "quite honest."
与謝野経済財政相が言う通り、「非常に正直」な発言だ。
If Kan still thinks so, his administration should not adhere to the child-rearing allowance bill any more and, instead, both the ruling and opposition parties should cooperate to design a new system as soon as possible, with improvement of the old dependent child benefit system as the basic starting point.
そうであるなら、子ども手当法案にこれ以上固執せず、与野党で早急に、児童手当の拡充を基本とした新たな仕組みを設計しなければならない。
If they follow the right steps, it may be possible to return to the framework of the former system of dependent child benefits backed by revenue sources, while avoiding confusion at the same time.
手順を踏めば、混乱を避けながら、財源に裏付けられた児童手当の枠組みに戻ることも可能ではないか。
To finance the current child-rearing allowance system, the tax exemption system for families with children up to 15 years old was abolished, for instance. If that system is not revived, families will face significant tax increases. The government and the DPJ should analyze the situation carefully once again.
子ども手当の財源に充てるために廃止した年少扶養控除なども、復活させなければ実質増税となる。再考が必要だ。
There will be resistance within the DPJ to withdrawing such a high-profile plank of the party's 2009 general election manifesto, which helped propel the party to power.
政権公約の目玉政策を撤回することには、民主党内で異論が出るだろう。
However, the government and the DPJ should not just wait for major confusion to arise without taking measures to avoid it.
だが、何の手も打たず、混乱を招くべきではない。
We hope Kan will show his leadership in remedying the situation.
菅首相には、事態打開のため指導力を発揮してもらいたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 27, 2011)
（2011年2月27日01時23分 読売新聞）
Child allowance system unsustainable
子ども手当 混乱回避へ与野党協議始めよ（2月27日付・読売社説）
Deliberations on a bill to expand child-rearing allowances paid to families in fiscal 2011 have started in the House of Representatives.
子ども手当法案の審議が衆院で始まった。
Not only the Liberal Democratic Party but also New Komeito have made clear their stances against the bill. In the current divided Diet, even if the bill passed the lower house, it would almost surely be voted down in the House of Councillors, where opposition parties hold the majority. Therefore, there is only a marginal possibility that the bill will become law within the current fiscal year.
自民党だけでなく公明党も反対姿勢を明確にしている。たとえ衆院で可決されても、ねじれ国会の下、参院で否決されるのは確実で、最終的に成立は困難だ。
The current child-rearing benefit system, for families with children of middle school age or younger, is based on a temporary statute valid for one year. If the bill on a new law does not pass the Diet, the current system will revert to the former system of dependent child allowances from April.
現行の子ども手当制度は１年ごとの時限立法に基づいており、新たな法案が成立しなければ、４月からは以前の児童手当に戻らざるを得なくなる。
City, town and village governments actually in charge of handing out the child-rearing allowances changed their computer programs to fit the current system.
Therefore, it would be difficult for them to switch back to the old system so soon, as the old dependent child allowance system is quite different from the current system.
事務を受け持つ市町村は、対象世帯を把握して支給するシステムを子ども手当用に変更しているため、仕組みの異なる児童手当に急に戻せと言われても、実際には対応は難しい。
===
Major confusion expected
However, the local governments cannot prepare for the next fiscal year on the premise that the bill will not become law. If the situation goes on as it is, clerical work on issuing the benefits at municipal government offices will fall into major confusion. The ruling and opposition parties should immediately begin discussions to avoid such an outcome.
不成立を前提にして準備するわけにはいかない。このままでは市町村の支給事務に大きな混乱が生じる。与野党は、それを回避するための議論をただちに始めなければならない。
To do so, the government and the Democratic Party of Japan have to drop the child-rearing allowance system, at least for now. The government should declare a stance of returning to the old dependent child allowance system, created when the LDP and New Komeito were in power, and ask both parties for cooperation.
それには政府・民主党が子ども手当をいったん撤回することだ。自公政権が作った児童手当に立ち返る方向を示し、自公両党に協力を求めるしかあるまい。
The new bill for the second year of the child-rearing allowance system is designed to raise the current monthly handout of 13,000 yen per child to 20,000 yen for children younger than 3.
２年目の子ども手当法案は、現行の月額１万３０００円を、３歳未満については２万円に引き上げる内容だ。
The LDP and New Komeito have been arguing that improvements to child-related services, such as solving the problem of children waiting to be enrolled at certified nursery schools, should be given priority rather than maintaining a system to dole out cash.
自公両党は、現金支給というバラマキよりも、待機児童の解消など現物サービスを優先すべきだと主張している。
The child-rearing allowance system has been impossible from the beginning. It would require a hefty 5.5 trillion yen annually to fund the full monthly amount of 26,000 yen per child that the DPJ has pledged to eventually provide, but there was no prospect for securing stable revenue sources.
そもそも、安定的な財源の見通しを欠いたまま、満額支給すれば年５・５兆円もの巨費を投じることになる子ども手当は、土台から無理があった。
===
Kan: Surprised at 26,000 yen
Prime Minister Naoto Kan himself has admitted as much.
首相自らそれを認めている。
During recent deliberations on the bill at the Diet, he said, "I was little bit surprised to hear the monthly amount of 26,000 yen when Mr. [Ichiro] Ozawa was party president," recalling the time when the DPJ was deciding the amount.
国会審議で菅首相は、子ども手当の額決定の際、「小沢代表当時に２万６０００円と聞いて、ちょっとびっくりした」と述べた。
As Kaoru Yosano, state minister in charge of economic and fiscal policy, described it, this remark is "quite honest."
与謝野経済財政相が言う通り、「非常に正直」な発言だ。
If Kan still thinks so, his administration should not adhere to the child-rearing allowance bill any more and, instead, both the ruling and opposition parties should cooperate to design a new system as soon as possible, with improvement of the old dependent child benefit system as the basic starting point.
そうであるなら、子ども手当法案にこれ以上固執せず、与野党で早急に、児童手当の拡充を基本とした新たな仕組みを設計しなければならない。
If they follow the right steps, it may be possible to return to the framework of the former system of dependent child benefits backed by revenue sources, while avoiding confusion at the same time.
手順を踏めば、混乱を避けながら、財源に裏付けられた児童手当の枠組みに戻ることも可能ではないか。
To finance the current child-rearing allowance system, the tax exemption system for families with children up to 15 years old was abolished, for instance. If that system is not revived, families will face significant tax increases. The government and the DPJ should analyze the situation carefully once again.
子ども手当の財源に充てるために廃止した年少扶養控除なども、復活させなければ実質増税となる。再考が必要だ。
There will be resistance within the DPJ to withdrawing such a high-profile plank of the party's 2009 general election manifesto, which helped propel the party to power.
政権公約の目玉政策を撤回することには、民主党内で異論が出るだろう。
However, the government and the DPJ should not just wait for major confusion to arise without taking measures to avoid it.
だが、何の手も打たず、混乱を招くべきではない。
We hope Kan will show his leadership in remedying the situation.
菅首相には、事態打開のため指導力を発揮してもらいたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 27, 2011)
（2011年2月27日01時23分 読売新聞）
消費税増分はVAT（付加価値税value added tax）としたほうが良いかも。
欧米はVATだし、タイでさえVATです。ちなみにタイの現時点のVATは７％です。
しかしながら消費税を増額する前に、霞ヶ関の特別会計に是非メスを入れてもらいたい。
朝日新聞でもこの問題はタブーになっているのでしょう。
あるいは暗闇の中に閉ざされていてよくその実体が見えないとか。
そうであるならば、新聞社には記者魂を発揮してこのエリアに切り込むことが強く望まれる。
記者の命の保証ができないというのも多分理由でしょう。
特別会計予算には各分野とも相当な余剰金が含まれているようです。
米国国債を無理やり引き受けさせられていますが、毎月３兆円弱のお金が使われています。
一年では３０兆円、一億の国民が赤ちゃんからお年よりまでひっくるめて一人当り３０万円負担している計算になります。
米国国債の買い入れは一例で氷山の一角。
消費税を増税しなくともやっていけるだけの体力はまだ残っている！
（スラチャイ記）
2011/02/26
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 25
EDITORIAL: Social security reform
社会保障と税の改革―財源なくして安心なし
A government council is now intensively debating the integrated tax and social security reform proposed by the administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan. The Kan administration intends to announce a plan for revamping the social security system in April and then draft a blueprint for the integrated reform incorporating tax increases to finance the social security overhaul.
政府の「集中検討会議」が、社会保障と税の一体改革を議論している。４月中に社会保障改革案を示し、６月にはその財源を賄うための増税策との一体改革案をまとめる。
Reform of the nation's tax and fiscal regime and the social safety net was the underlying theme of the series of editorials we published from October 2007 to April 2008 on proposals to make Japan a more hopeful society.
朝日新聞が２００７年１０月から０８年４月にかけて連載したシリーズ社説「希望社会への提言」でも、税・財政と社会保障の改革は根幹だった。
Immediately after the series of editorials, U.S. investment bank Lehman Brothers collapsed, pushing the world into synchronized recession. The global economic crisis revived deflation--continuous declines in prices and wages--in Japan.
この連載の直後、リーマン・ショックと同時不況が世界を襲った。日本では物価や賃金が下がり続けるデフレがぶり返した。
A vision for rehabilitation
■財政再建へ展望ひらけ
A power transfer took place in the United States and then in Japan.
米国に続き日本でも政権交代が起きた。
With the nation heading into a future of unprecedented demographic situation due to the aging of the population and low fertility rate, repairing the frayed social security system and mapping out a feasible plan for restoring fiscal sanity is the principal challenge facing policymakers.
だが、未曽有の少子高齢社会に向かういま、社会保障のほころびを繕い、財政再建の道筋をつけることが政治の歴史的使命であることに変わりはない。
The further deterioration of the nation's fiscal health due to stimulus measures taken in response to the economic crisis has increased the urgency for a radical reform of the tax code centering on a consumption tax hike. Such a tax overhaul is an indispensable prerequisite for social security stability.
危機対策などで一段と悪化した財政をみれば、消費増税を柱とする税制の抜本改革は待ったなしだ。それなしに社会保障の安定は望めない。
We would like to add some fresh proposals to the arguments we made in the series of editorials for a hopeful society.
私たちもいま、「希望社会への提言」を踏まえて追加的な検討を加えつつ、提案をしていきたい。
As for reform of the state pension program, it should be based on the current social insurance formula. That would be more realistic than the fully tax-financed system for basic portions, which is proposed by business organizations and Rengo (Japanese Trade Union Confederation), the nation's largest labor organization.
まず、年金については、いまの社会保険方式を土台に改革を進める。そのほうが、経済団体や連合などが提言している基礎年金をすべて税で賄う「税方式」より現実的だろう。
The precious new revenue from tax hikes in the coming years will have to be used mainly to finance programs in such areas as health and nursing-care and child-care support.
今後の増税による貴重な税収は、医療と介護、子育てなどの分野に優先して振り向ける必要があるからだ。
Between fiscal 2006 and fiscal 2025, the total amount of health-care and nursing-care benefits will grow by 70 percent and 160 percent, respectively, compared with a 40-percent increase in pension payouts, according to estimates by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare.
厚生労働省による社会保障給付の見通しでは０６年度から２５年度にかけ、年金の伸びは１．４倍だが、医療は１．７倍、介護は２．６倍に伸びる。
In addition to tackling the problems of the shortages of doctors and special elderly nursing homes, the government needs to expand its policy support for families rearing children and people struggling to become financially independent.
医師不足や特別養護老人ホームの入居待ちの緩和だけでなく、子育て支援、自立支援などの強化も必要である。
Securing a balance between generations
■世代間のバランス保て
But it is important to ensure financial stability of the pension program. The government has raised the ratio of state financing of the program's basic portions to half, but the step is partly paid for with surpluses and reserves in special budget accounts known as "maizokin" (buried gold) under a stopgap-funding program. The priority should be on securing a stable tax revenue source for the partial state funding of the pension program.
ただし、年金の安定を図ることは大切だ。基礎年金の国庫負担を２分の１に引き上げたが、埋蔵金でとりあえず穴埋めしている部分がある。税でしっかりと手当てするのが最優先だ。
To reduce the number of people who fail to pay into the "kokumin nenkin" national pension program, the "kosei nenkin" plan for corporate employees should be expanded to cover nonregular workers like part-timers and temporary workers. Efforts to collect premiums for the national pension from the remaining nonpayers should be redoubled.
国民年金の未納者は、厚生年金の傘を広げ、パートや派遣で働く人を加えることで数を減らす。
But at the same time, steps should be taken to make certain that all low-income earners will be exempted from premium payments or benefit from premium cuts.
残る人たちには徴収を徹底するが、低所得者は保険料の免除や軽減をもれなく受けられるようにする。
The national identification number system the government is considering is essential for providing welfare services better tailored to the needs of the people. The proposed integration of the kokumin and kosei nenkin programs should be promoted as the effectiveness of the ID number system for efforts to track the income of self-employed workers is ascertained.
政府が導入を検討している共通番号は、きめ細かな福祉に不可欠だ。国民年金と厚生年金の一元化は、共通番号が自営業者の所得把握に効果を発揮することを見極めつつ進めたい。
Companies should be required in principle to have all employees enrolled in the kosei nenkin program and contribute to the system. It is part of a company's social responsibility to pay its fair share of the cost of social welfare for its employees.
企業は人を雇ったら原則として厚生年金に加入させ、保険料を負担する。被雇用者のために応分の負担をするのは社会的な責任である。それを果たせる企業を育てたい。
Economic growth is also crucial for the health of social security. Ensuring the long-term financial stability of the social security system requires effective efforts to develop people and industries to create huge additional value for economic growth. The reality, however, is that pension benefits remain at high levels despite stagnant wage growth and a deflationary trend. This situation is causing pension inequality between generations. Fixing the inequity is imperative.
経済成長も不可欠だ。高い付加価値を生み出せる人材と産業を育成し、経済を成長させなければ、社会保障の安定は望めない。ところが、現実には賃金が増えず物価も上がらないのに年金は高止まりして、世代間のバランスが崩れている。修正は急務である。
The pension reform in 2004 introduced a system to gradually but automatically lower the levels of pension benefits in response to the aging of the population and the low birth rate. But a provision stipulating that nominal amounts of benefits should be kept unchanged as much as possible has caused the real levels of benefits to rise amid deflation.
０４年の年金改革では、少子高齢化に対応して年金の水準を少しずつ自動的に削ることにした。だが、「年金の名目額をできる限り下げない」との特例を設けたため、デフレ下で年金の水準は実質的に上がってしまった。
As a result, the financial future of the public pension system is in jeopardy. The levels of pension benefits should be lowered in line with falling prices.
この結果、年金制度の将来が危うくなっている。デフレに対応して、水準を引き下げる必要がある。
Taking a hard look at the dire state of the nation's public finances and recognizing the need to increase the burden on taxpayers is a prerequisite for meaningful social security reform.
社会保障を改革する前提は、国の財政悪化の現状を直視し、必要な負担増から目をそむけないことだ。
Our serial editorials proposed that the state budget be divided into two parts.
シリーズ社説では、国の財政を大きく二つにわけるよう提言した。
One part would finance expenditures crucial for the people's sense of security, such as spending on the health and nursing care, pension and child-care support programs. The additional revenue from future tax hikes would be used mainly to fund these outlays.
一つは医療・介護・年金や子育てなどの費用を賄う「安心勘定」で、増税分はこちらに集中投入する。
The other part of the budget would finance the rest of government expenditures, including spending on debt servicing. This part should be subject to exhaustive efforts for spending cuts through the elimination of waste. We also predicted that Japanese taxpayers would have to brace themselves for a future consumption tax rate above 10 percent.
もう一つは、借金返済を含む「我慢勘定」で、無駄の削減など徹底した歳出カットを行うとした。そして、いずれ消費税１０％台を覚悟するしかないと見通した。
Virtual cycle of reform and growth
■成長との好循環を
Since the Lehman Shock, Japan's fiscal conditions have deteriorated further. The nation's horrendous fiscal morass is underscored by the fact that on the basis of the original budget, the government's borrowing will surpass its tax receipts for two straight years.
リーマン・ショック後、財政はさらに悪化し、当初予算で２年連続、借金が税収を上回るという異常事態だ。
The fiscal management strategy announced by the Kan administration in June last year and the fiscal rehabilitation bill drafted by the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party both call for ensuring that all government outlays, excluding debt service expenses, will be fully covered by tax receipts in fiscal 2020.
菅政権が昨年６月に決めた「財政運営戦略」と自民党の「財政健全化責任法案」は、「２０年度には、借金の返済・利払いを除いた経費を税収で賄えるようにする」という目標で一致する。
But there will be a gargantuan revenue shortfall of nearly 26 trillion yen (about $317 billion) in fiscal 2020 unless nothing is done. That would be equivalent of the revenue from a 9-percent consumption tax.
だが、今のままだと国の税収は２０年度に２６兆円近くも不足する。消費税率換算で９％分だ。
Filling the budget hole with a tax hike, however, would only amount to this. The cost of the government's services provided in that year would be covered by its tax take in the same year without any fresh borrowing that would increase the burden on future generations.
それを増税で埋めても、やっと「その年に使ったサービスの費用を同じ年の税収で賄い、将来にツケを回さない」ことになるだけだ。
Welfare states in Europe have been using their revenues from value-added taxes to finance their social security payouts. This approach has won the trust of European taxpayers by convincing them that they will receive benefits in return for the increased burden. In contrast, Japan has been expanding social security benefits without securing sufficient revenue sources to finance them. It is time to fundamentally change this approach.
欧州の福祉国家は、付加価値税（消費税）の税収を社会保障に回し、「負担が増えても受益がある」という信頼を得た。日本は財源の手当てが不十分なまま、サービスの充実を先行させてきた。それを根本から改めるときだ。
Much of the fresh money to be raised through a tax increase will have to be used to reduce the government debt. This is necessary for paying for the debt-financed services provided in the past.
過去に借金で賄ったサービス分を埋める意味でも、増税の相当部分を赤字削減に回さざるをえないだろう。
The government also needs to make cool-headed efforts to eliminate overlapping services and review the level of benefits.
サービスの重複を解消し、給付水準を見直す。その作業も冷静に進めていかねばならない。
The new money to spend on social security will come from economic growth. On the other hand, health, nursing and child-care services are a crucial part of the social infrastructure for economic growth. It is important to create a virtuous cycle of social security reform and economic growth.
社会保障に使う財源は、経済成長から生まれる。医療・介護・保育のようなサービスは成長のための社会基盤でもある。社会保障と成長の好循環をつくりだしたい。
Laying down a grand vision for the future of social security and taking the first step toward securing revenue sources to finance the system is absolutely vital for rescuing Japan from the trap of stifling stagnation.
大きな将来図を描き、財源確保へ第一歩を踏み出す。そうしなければ、日本の閉塞（へいそく）状況は打開できない。
欧米はVATだし、タイでさえVATです。ちなみにタイの現時点のVATは７％です。
しかしながら消費税を増額する前に、霞ヶ関の特別会計に是非メスを入れてもらいたい。
朝日新聞でもこの問題はタブーになっているのでしょう。
あるいは暗闇の中に閉ざされていてよくその実体が見えないとか。
そうであるならば、新聞社には記者魂を発揮してこのエリアに切り込むことが強く望まれる。
記者の命の保証ができないというのも多分理由でしょう。
特別会計予算には各分野とも相当な余剰金が含まれているようです。
米国国債を無理やり引き受けさせられていますが、毎月３兆円弱のお金が使われています。
一年では３０兆円、一億の国民が赤ちゃんからお年よりまでひっくるめて一人当り３０万円負担している計算になります。
米国国債の買い入れは一例で氷山の一角。
消費税を増税しなくともやっていけるだけの体力はまだ残っている！
（スラチャイ記）
2011/02/26
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 25
EDITORIAL: Social security reform
社会保障と税の改革―財源なくして安心なし
A government council is now intensively debating the integrated tax and social security reform proposed by the administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan. The Kan administration intends to announce a plan for revamping the social security system in April and then draft a blueprint for the integrated reform incorporating tax increases to finance the social security overhaul.
政府の「集中検討会議」が、社会保障と税の一体改革を議論している。４月中に社会保障改革案を示し、６月にはその財源を賄うための増税策との一体改革案をまとめる。
Reform of the nation's tax and fiscal regime and the social safety net was the underlying theme of the series of editorials we published from October 2007 to April 2008 on proposals to make Japan a more hopeful society.
朝日新聞が２００７年１０月から０８年４月にかけて連載したシリーズ社説「希望社会への提言」でも、税・財政と社会保障の改革は根幹だった。
Immediately after the series of editorials, U.S. investment bank Lehman Brothers collapsed, pushing the world into synchronized recession. The global economic crisis revived deflation--continuous declines in prices and wages--in Japan.
この連載の直後、リーマン・ショックと同時不況が世界を襲った。日本では物価や賃金が下がり続けるデフレがぶり返した。
A vision for rehabilitation
■財政再建へ展望ひらけ
A power transfer took place in the United States and then in Japan.
米国に続き日本でも政権交代が起きた。
With the nation heading into a future of unprecedented demographic situation due to the aging of the population and low fertility rate, repairing the frayed social security system and mapping out a feasible plan for restoring fiscal sanity is the principal challenge facing policymakers.
だが、未曽有の少子高齢社会に向かういま、社会保障のほころびを繕い、財政再建の道筋をつけることが政治の歴史的使命であることに変わりはない。
The further deterioration of the nation's fiscal health due to stimulus measures taken in response to the economic crisis has increased the urgency for a radical reform of the tax code centering on a consumption tax hike. Such a tax overhaul is an indispensable prerequisite for social security stability.
危機対策などで一段と悪化した財政をみれば、消費増税を柱とする税制の抜本改革は待ったなしだ。それなしに社会保障の安定は望めない。
We would like to add some fresh proposals to the arguments we made in the series of editorials for a hopeful society.
私たちもいま、「希望社会への提言」を踏まえて追加的な検討を加えつつ、提案をしていきたい。
As for reform of the state pension program, it should be based on the current social insurance formula. That would be more realistic than the fully tax-financed system for basic portions, which is proposed by business organizations and Rengo (Japanese Trade Union Confederation), the nation's largest labor organization.
まず、年金については、いまの社会保険方式を土台に改革を進める。そのほうが、経済団体や連合などが提言している基礎年金をすべて税で賄う「税方式」より現実的だろう。
The precious new revenue from tax hikes in the coming years will have to be used mainly to finance programs in such areas as health and nursing-care and child-care support.
今後の増税による貴重な税収は、医療と介護、子育てなどの分野に優先して振り向ける必要があるからだ。
Between fiscal 2006 and fiscal 2025, the total amount of health-care and nursing-care benefits will grow by 70 percent and 160 percent, respectively, compared with a 40-percent increase in pension payouts, according to estimates by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare.
厚生労働省による社会保障給付の見通しでは０６年度から２５年度にかけ、年金の伸びは１．４倍だが、医療は１．７倍、介護は２．６倍に伸びる。
In addition to tackling the problems of the shortages of doctors and special elderly nursing homes, the government needs to expand its policy support for families rearing children and people struggling to become financially independent.
医師不足や特別養護老人ホームの入居待ちの緩和だけでなく、子育て支援、自立支援などの強化も必要である。
Securing a balance between generations
■世代間のバランス保て
But it is important to ensure financial stability of the pension program. The government has raised the ratio of state financing of the program's basic portions to half, but the step is partly paid for with surpluses and reserves in special budget accounts known as "maizokin" (buried gold) under a stopgap-funding program. The priority should be on securing a stable tax revenue source for the partial state funding of the pension program.
ただし、年金の安定を図ることは大切だ。基礎年金の国庫負担を２分の１に引き上げたが、埋蔵金でとりあえず穴埋めしている部分がある。税でしっかりと手当てするのが最優先だ。
To reduce the number of people who fail to pay into the "kokumin nenkin" national pension program, the "kosei nenkin" plan for corporate employees should be expanded to cover nonregular workers like part-timers and temporary workers. Efforts to collect premiums for the national pension from the remaining nonpayers should be redoubled.
国民年金の未納者は、厚生年金の傘を広げ、パートや派遣で働く人を加えることで数を減らす。
But at the same time, steps should be taken to make certain that all low-income earners will be exempted from premium payments or benefit from premium cuts.
残る人たちには徴収を徹底するが、低所得者は保険料の免除や軽減をもれなく受けられるようにする。
The national identification number system the government is considering is essential for providing welfare services better tailored to the needs of the people. The proposed integration of the kokumin and kosei nenkin programs should be promoted as the effectiveness of the ID number system for efforts to track the income of self-employed workers is ascertained.
政府が導入を検討している共通番号は、きめ細かな福祉に不可欠だ。国民年金と厚生年金の一元化は、共通番号が自営業者の所得把握に効果を発揮することを見極めつつ進めたい。
Companies should be required in principle to have all employees enrolled in the kosei nenkin program and contribute to the system. It is part of a company's social responsibility to pay its fair share of the cost of social welfare for its employees.
企業は人を雇ったら原則として厚生年金に加入させ、保険料を負担する。被雇用者のために応分の負担をするのは社会的な責任である。それを果たせる企業を育てたい。
Economic growth is also crucial for the health of social security. Ensuring the long-term financial stability of the social security system requires effective efforts to develop people and industries to create huge additional value for economic growth. The reality, however, is that pension benefits remain at high levels despite stagnant wage growth and a deflationary trend. This situation is causing pension inequality between generations. Fixing the inequity is imperative.
経済成長も不可欠だ。高い付加価値を生み出せる人材と産業を育成し、経済を成長させなければ、社会保障の安定は望めない。ところが、現実には賃金が増えず物価も上がらないのに年金は高止まりして、世代間のバランスが崩れている。修正は急務である。
The pension reform in 2004 introduced a system to gradually but automatically lower the levels of pension benefits in response to the aging of the population and the low birth rate. But a provision stipulating that nominal amounts of benefits should be kept unchanged as much as possible has caused the real levels of benefits to rise amid deflation.
０４年の年金改革では、少子高齢化に対応して年金の水準を少しずつ自動的に削ることにした。だが、「年金の名目額をできる限り下げない」との特例を設けたため、デフレ下で年金の水準は実質的に上がってしまった。
As a result, the financial future of the public pension system is in jeopardy. The levels of pension benefits should be lowered in line with falling prices.
この結果、年金制度の将来が危うくなっている。デフレに対応して、水準を引き下げる必要がある。
Taking a hard look at the dire state of the nation's public finances and recognizing the need to increase the burden on taxpayers is a prerequisite for meaningful social security reform.
社会保障を改革する前提は、国の財政悪化の現状を直視し、必要な負担増から目をそむけないことだ。
Our serial editorials proposed that the state budget be divided into two parts.
シリーズ社説では、国の財政を大きく二つにわけるよう提言した。
One part would finance expenditures crucial for the people's sense of security, such as spending on the health and nursing care, pension and child-care support programs. The additional revenue from future tax hikes would be used mainly to fund these outlays.
一つは医療・介護・年金や子育てなどの費用を賄う「安心勘定」で、増税分はこちらに集中投入する。
The other part of the budget would finance the rest of government expenditures, including spending on debt servicing. This part should be subject to exhaustive efforts for spending cuts through the elimination of waste. We also predicted that Japanese taxpayers would have to brace themselves for a future consumption tax rate above 10 percent.
もう一つは、借金返済を含む「我慢勘定」で、無駄の削減など徹底した歳出カットを行うとした。そして、いずれ消費税１０％台を覚悟するしかないと見通した。
Virtual cycle of reform and growth
■成長との好循環を
Since the Lehman Shock, Japan's fiscal conditions have deteriorated further. The nation's horrendous fiscal morass is underscored by the fact that on the basis of the original budget, the government's borrowing will surpass its tax receipts for two straight years.
リーマン・ショック後、財政はさらに悪化し、当初予算で２年連続、借金が税収を上回るという異常事態だ。
The fiscal management strategy announced by the Kan administration in June last year and the fiscal rehabilitation bill drafted by the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party both call for ensuring that all government outlays, excluding debt service expenses, will be fully covered by tax receipts in fiscal 2020.
菅政権が昨年６月に決めた「財政運営戦略」と自民党の「財政健全化責任法案」は、「２０年度には、借金の返済・利払いを除いた経費を税収で賄えるようにする」という目標で一致する。
But there will be a gargantuan revenue shortfall of nearly 26 trillion yen (about $317 billion) in fiscal 2020 unless nothing is done. That would be equivalent of the revenue from a 9-percent consumption tax.
だが、今のままだと国の税収は２０年度に２６兆円近くも不足する。消費税率換算で９％分だ。
Filling the budget hole with a tax hike, however, would only amount to this. The cost of the government's services provided in that year would be covered by its tax take in the same year without any fresh borrowing that would increase the burden on future generations.
それを増税で埋めても、やっと「その年に使ったサービスの費用を同じ年の税収で賄い、将来にツケを回さない」ことになるだけだ。
Welfare states in Europe have been using their revenues from value-added taxes to finance their social security payouts. This approach has won the trust of European taxpayers by convincing them that they will receive benefits in return for the increased burden. In contrast, Japan has been expanding social security benefits without securing sufficient revenue sources to finance them. It is time to fundamentally change this approach.
欧州の福祉国家は、付加価値税（消費税）の税収を社会保障に回し、「負担が増えても受益がある」という信頼を得た。日本は財源の手当てが不十分なまま、サービスの充実を先行させてきた。それを根本から改めるときだ。
Much of the fresh money to be raised through a tax increase will have to be used to reduce the government debt. This is necessary for paying for the debt-financed services provided in the past.
過去に借金で賄ったサービス分を埋める意味でも、増税の相当部分を赤字削減に回さざるをえないだろう。
The government also needs to make cool-headed efforts to eliminate overlapping services and review the level of benefits.
サービスの重複を解消し、給付水準を見直す。その作業も冷静に進めていかねばならない。
The new money to spend on social security will come from economic growth. On the other hand, health, nursing and child-care services are a crucial part of the social infrastructure for economic growth. It is important to create a virtuous cycle of social security reform and economic growth.
社会保障に使う財源は、経済成長から生まれる。医療・介護・保育のようなサービスは成長のための社会基盤でもある。社会保障と成長の好循環をつくりだしたい。
Laying down a grand vision for the future of social security and taking the first step toward securing revenue sources to finance the system is absolutely vital for rescuing Japan from the trap of stifling stagnation.
大きな将来図を描き、財源確保へ第一歩を踏み出す。そうしなければ、日本の閉塞（へいそく）状況は打開できない。
障害者であることを隠せとは言いませんが、俺は障害者だって、前面に出すのはやめたほうがよい。
カフェでも絵文字に抵抗がある人が多くて、絵文字お断りのサイトもあるくらい。
男性の年配者は絵文字は控えたほうが無難でしょう。
前にも同様のコメントをしたことがあります。
受け入れるか否かは個人の自由です。
限りない分裂をも許すから民主主義！独裁主義dictatorshipよりはまし＾＾。
カフェでも絵文字に抵抗がある人が多くて、絵文字お断りのサイトもあるくらい。
男性の年配者は絵文字は控えたほうが無難でしょう。
前にも同様のコメントをしたことがあります。
受け入れるか否かは個人の自由です。
限りない分裂をも許すから民主主義！独裁主義dictatorshipよりはまし＾＾。
I'm moved to tear several times while editing this column in the morning.
This is also one of the finest columns I've ever read in my life, being edited by an editor with Mainichi Shimbun.
I'm deeply moved.
(srachai)
編集していて何度も涙をこぼしました。
毎日新聞が記者の足を駆使して作成した力作です。
感動しました。
（スラチャイ記）
(Mainichi Japan) February 24, 2011
Suu Kyi's determination to peacefully defy dictatorship remains unchanged
記者の目：スーチーさんの「手紙」１３年ぶり再会＝朴鐘珠
The Mainichi Shimbun resumed Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's column, "Letter from Burma," this year after a 13-year break. I flew to Myanmar where press restrains were in force late last year and visited Suu Kyi's residence prior to the publication of the first part of the column on New Year's Day.
ミャンマーの民主化運動指導者、アウンサンスーチーさん（６５）による本紙連載「ビルマからの手紙」を１３年ぶりに再開した。元日からの掲載に先立ち私は昨年末、取材規制のかけられたミャンマーに入国し、スーチーさんの自宅を訪ねた。
Suu Kyi had been under house arrest there on and off over a 15-year period from 1989 to November last year. I stood by one of the windows of her residence, and thought about how firm her determination must be to spend her life resisting Myanmar's military dictatorship.
そこは彼女が８９年から昨年１１月まで断続的に１５年軟禁されていた場所だ。私は窓辺に立ち、人生を賭したスーチーさんの覚悟の深さに思いを巡らせた。
◇昨秋に軟禁解除、弾圧構造は不変
The military dictatorship has been in power in Myanmar for nearly half a century since the 1962 coup. Suu Kyi founded the National League for Democracy (NLD) in 1988 in a bid to democratize the country, and the party secured 82 percent of the seats in Parliament in a 1990 general election. Nevertheless, the military regime refused to hand over power to the NLD and suppressed pro-democracy movements.
The military regime has continued a reign of terror, detaining and torturing NLD members and supporters. Last autumn, the regime called a general election and released Suu Kyi from house arrest. However, the shift to civilian rule was a mirage and the military is still ruling the country.
ミャンマーでは１９６２年のクーデターから半世紀近く、軍事独裁政権が続いている。民主主義国家の実現を目指すスーチーさんは８８年に国民民主連盟（ＮＬＤ）を結党、９０年の総選挙で全議席の８２％を獲得した。しかし軍政は政権移譲に応じず民主化運動を弾圧、ＮＬＤ党員や支持者を拘禁・拷問する恐怖政治を敷いてきた。昨秋以降の総選挙とスーチーさんの軟禁解除、形だけの民政移管後も、軍政の支配構造は変わらない。
Suu Kyi's residence is situated in Yangon, the largest city in Myanmar. Since its gate is higher than an adult's average height, it is impossible to look into her home from the street. There is no other house nearby, and since security forces are surrounding her home round the clock, ordinary citizens are reluctant to approach her house out of fear that security authorities might suspect they have ties to Suu Kyi.
スーチーさんの自宅は、国内最大都市のヤンゴンにある。門扉が大人の背丈よりも高いため、表通りから中をうかがうことはできない。近隣に民家がなく、何より治安当局が周囲を取り巻き２４時間監視しているので、一般市民は関係を疑われるのを恐れて近づきたがらない。
Her house is a western-style two-story building with white walls, and security authorities set up a fence with barbed wire behind her home facing a lake. When I saw a scene at the lakeside while waiting for her to return home, I could hardly believe my eyes. There, dozens of couples were dating while people with children were taking a walk. A promenade leads to an amusement park and a Ferris wheel towers over trees.
自宅は２階建ての白壁の洋館で、湖に面した裏手には当局によって有刺鉄線が張られていた。彼女の帰宅を待ちながら窓辺に立ち、格子の間から見えた景色に目を疑った。くるりと弧を描いた湖畔の芝生で、何十組ものカップルが肩を寄せ合い、その間を親子連れが散歩している。遊歩道の先には遊園地があり、緑の木々の上に観覧車のてっぺんが頭を出していた。
A place isolated from the outside world and a place where citizens lead their daily lives coexist there -- a ruthless reality.
同じ湖のほとりに、外界から孤立した空間と、市民の日常とが隣り合わせる非情な現実があった。
Suu Kyi, who was separated from her family because of her house arrest, has never lost courage even though she regularly sees citizens nearby who appear happy, and instead tolerates her solitary life. She has reasons for having to do so.
軟禁によって家族と引き裂かれたスーチーさんはしかし、手の届きそうなところにあふれる平凡な幸せにも心を折られることなく、孤独な時間を耐え抜いた。彼女には、そうしなければならない理由があった。
Suu Kyi lost her husband, who had been battling cancer in Britain, in 1999 while she was under house arrest. Feeling that he was close to the end of his life, he applied for a visa to visit Myanmar to meet his wife, only to be rejected. The military regime hoped that Suu Kyi would leave for Britain to meet with her ailing husband. However, she chose to stay home because there was no guarantee that she would be allowed to come back to Myanmar once she left the country. She chose to prioritize her pro-democracy movement rather than stay with her dying husband. Her determination is undoubtedly attributable to the existence of fellow freedom fighters imprisoned as political prisoners.
スーチーさんは軟禁解除中の９９年、英国で闘病していた夫をがんで亡くしている。死期が迫り、夫はミャンマーへの入国ビザを申請したが却下された。軍政側はこれを機にスーチーさんが英国へ出国してくれることを期待したが、一度祖国を離れれば再入国できる保証はない。彼女は国内にとどまった。最愛の人の死に立ち会うより民主化運動を優先した決意。彼女にそこまで腹をくくらせたものは、政治犯として獄中につながれた仲間の存在に違いない。
In December 1995, shortly after she started the column in the Mainichi Shimbun, Suu Kyi told the world political prisoners were barred from meeting their children for over two years and that their family members were being interrogated and harassed.
最初にスーチーさんの「手紙」の連載を初めて間もない９５年１２月、彼女は「籠の外の若い鳥」と題し、政治犯の子が親との面会を２年以上も許可されず、また家族が当局から尋問や嫌がらせを受けている窮状を訴えた。
Her message that she was not the only Myanmar woman detained for her political thoughts appears to reflect a kind of guilty feeling she harbors toward other people who were being suppressed by the military regime.
「私は、政治のために拘置されたビルマ唯一の女性ではない」という一文に、弾圧される人々への、ある種の後ろめたさがにじむ。
There is a special reason why Suu Kyi evaded being tortured or imprisoned even though she is the leader of Myanmar's pro-democracy movement. Her father played a leading role in winning Myanmar's independence and she is well-known to the world as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate. The military regime cannot simply take her away from society.
民主化運動の“首謀者”である彼女が拷問や投獄を免れたのには、特別な事情がある。父がビルマ独立運動に献身した将軍という血筋と、ノーベル平和賞を受賞した国際的知名度。軍政とて彼女を他の名もなき政治犯のように、いきなり表社会から消し去るようなまねはできない。
◇無名の政治犯に思いを寄せ続け
In other words, Suu Kyi is a pro-democracy activist whose safety is guaranteed. Therefore, she is obviously determined to share the pain imposed on her fellow pro-democracy activists. In the second letter of the current series that ran on Feb. 6, she confessed that she made a habit of having breakfast quite late during her house arrest "so that in my hunger I would not forget our comrades who were incarcerated not in their own homes but in prisons, often in places far distant from where their families live."
誤解を恐れずに言えば、彼女はミャンマーで最も身の安全を保障された民主化運動家である。だからこそ、仲間が強いられた痛みを率先して共有することを自らに課しているのだろう。連載再開２通目の手紙（２月６日朝刊）で彼女は、軟禁中に朝食の時間を遅らせていたことを明かした。「自らを空腹にすることで、刑務所に投獄され、家族から引き離されている同志を忘れないため」と記している。
I have met various people as a journalist, but I clearly remember I felt tense when I first met Suu Kyi. The feeling derived from my sense of reverence -- similar to a feeling I harbored toward citizens who repeatedly staged a sit-in protest in the Henoko district of Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, to express opposition to the relocation of a U.S. base to the area and those who were involved in a signature-collecting campaign against a so-called plutonium-thermal power generation project. They are determined to confront political power without resorting to violence.
私はこれまで記者としてさまざまな人と接してきたが、スーチーさんと向き合った時に感じた緊張には覚えがある。沖縄で米軍基地の移設を許さず辺野古の浜で座り込みを続ける人々や、佐賀で原発のプルサーマル発電に異を唱え署名を集めていた人々にも抱いた、非暴力不服従で権力に対峙（たいじ）する覚悟への、畏敬（いけい）の念だ。
I asked Suu Kyi, a Japanophile who studied at Kyoto University in the 1980s, what she expects Japan to do for the democratization of Myanmar. Instead of answering my question, she asked me whether I, as a Japanese national, have urged the Japanese government to pressure Myanmar's military regime to release all political prisoners. I couldn't nod with confidence to Suu Kyi, who shot a questioning glance at me. (By Pak Chong-chu, Foreign News Department)
８０年代に京都大へ留学した親日家でもあるスーチーさんに、ミャンマー民主化のため日本に期待することを尋ねたところ、「日本人なら当然、軍政に政治犯を釈放させるよう、自国の政府に働きかけているでしょう？」と逆に質問された。日本の覚悟を推し量ろうとするような彼女の瞳に自信を持ってうなずくことができなかった。（外信部）
毎日新聞 2011年2月24日 0時12分
This is also one of the finest columns I've ever read in my life, being edited by an editor with Mainichi Shimbun.
I'm deeply moved.
(srachai)
編集していて何度も涙をこぼしました。
毎日新聞が記者の足を駆使して作成した力作です。
感動しました。
（スラチャイ記）
(Mainichi Japan) February 24, 2011
Suu Kyi's determination to peacefully defy dictatorship remains unchanged
記者の目：スーチーさんの「手紙」１３年ぶり再会＝朴鐘珠
The Mainichi Shimbun resumed Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's column, "Letter from Burma," this year after a 13-year break. I flew to Myanmar where press restrains were in force late last year and visited Suu Kyi's residence prior to the publication of the first part of the column on New Year's Day.
ミャンマーの民主化運動指導者、アウンサンスーチーさん（６５）による本紙連載「ビルマからの手紙」を１３年ぶりに再開した。元日からの掲載に先立ち私は昨年末、取材規制のかけられたミャンマーに入国し、スーチーさんの自宅を訪ねた。
Suu Kyi had been under house arrest there on and off over a 15-year period from 1989 to November last year. I stood by one of the windows of her residence, and thought about how firm her determination must be to spend her life resisting Myanmar's military dictatorship.
そこは彼女が８９年から昨年１１月まで断続的に１５年軟禁されていた場所だ。私は窓辺に立ち、人生を賭したスーチーさんの覚悟の深さに思いを巡らせた。
◇昨秋に軟禁解除、弾圧構造は不変
The military dictatorship has been in power in Myanmar for nearly half a century since the 1962 coup. Suu Kyi founded the National League for Democracy (NLD) in 1988 in a bid to democratize the country, and the party secured 82 percent of the seats in Parliament in a 1990 general election. Nevertheless, the military regime refused to hand over power to the NLD and suppressed pro-democracy movements.
The military regime has continued a reign of terror, detaining and torturing NLD members and supporters. Last autumn, the regime called a general election and released Suu Kyi from house arrest. However, the shift to civilian rule was a mirage and the military is still ruling the country.
ミャンマーでは１９６２年のクーデターから半世紀近く、軍事独裁政権が続いている。民主主義国家の実現を目指すスーチーさんは８８年に国民民主連盟（ＮＬＤ）を結党、９０年の総選挙で全議席の８２％を獲得した。しかし軍政は政権移譲に応じず民主化運動を弾圧、ＮＬＤ党員や支持者を拘禁・拷問する恐怖政治を敷いてきた。昨秋以降の総選挙とスーチーさんの軟禁解除、形だけの民政移管後も、軍政の支配構造は変わらない。
Suu Kyi's residence is situated in Yangon, the largest city in Myanmar. Since its gate is higher than an adult's average height, it is impossible to look into her home from the street. There is no other house nearby, and since security forces are surrounding her home round the clock, ordinary citizens are reluctant to approach her house out of fear that security authorities might suspect they have ties to Suu Kyi.
スーチーさんの自宅は、国内最大都市のヤンゴンにある。門扉が大人の背丈よりも高いため、表通りから中をうかがうことはできない。近隣に民家がなく、何より治安当局が周囲を取り巻き２４時間監視しているので、一般市民は関係を疑われるのを恐れて近づきたがらない。
Her house is a western-style two-story building with white walls, and security authorities set up a fence with barbed wire behind her home facing a lake. When I saw a scene at the lakeside while waiting for her to return home, I could hardly believe my eyes. There, dozens of couples were dating while people with children were taking a walk. A promenade leads to an amusement park and a Ferris wheel towers over trees.
自宅は２階建ての白壁の洋館で、湖に面した裏手には当局によって有刺鉄線が張られていた。彼女の帰宅を待ちながら窓辺に立ち、格子の間から見えた景色に目を疑った。くるりと弧を描いた湖畔の芝生で、何十組ものカップルが肩を寄せ合い、その間を親子連れが散歩している。遊歩道の先には遊園地があり、緑の木々の上に観覧車のてっぺんが頭を出していた。
A place isolated from the outside world and a place where citizens lead their daily lives coexist there -- a ruthless reality.
同じ湖のほとりに、外界から孤立した空間と、市民の日常とが隣り合わせる非情な現実があった。
Suu Kyi, who was separated from her family because of her house arrest, has never lost courage even though she regularly sees citizens nearby who appear happy, and instead tolerates her solitary life. She has reasons for having to do so.
軟禁によって家族と引き裂かれたスーチーさんはしかし、手の届きそうなところにあふれる平凡な幸せにも心を折られることなく、孤独な時間を耐え抜いた。彼女には、そうしなければならない理由があった。
Suu Kyi lost her husband, who had been battling cancer in Britain, in 1999 while she was under house arrest. Feeling that he was close to the end of his life, he applied for a visa to visit Myanmar to meet his wife, only to be rejected. The military regime hoped that Suu Kyi would leave for Britain to meet with her ailing husband. However, she chose to stay home because there was no guarantee that she would be allowed to come back to Myanmar once she left the country. She chose to prioritize her pro-democracy movement rather than stay with her dying husband. Her determination is undoubtedly attributable to the existence of fellow freedom fighters imprisoned as political prisoners.
スーチーさんは軟禁解除中の９９年、英国で闘病していた夫をがんで亡くしている。死期が迫り、夫はミャンマーへの入国ビザを申請したが却下された。軍政側はこれを機にスーチーさんが英国へ出国してくれることを期待したが、一度祖国を離れれば再入国できる保証はない。彼女は国内にとどまった。最愛の人の死に立ち会うより民主化運動を優先した決意。彼女にそこまで腹をくくらせたものは、政治犯として獄中につながれた仲間の存在に違いない。
In December 1995, shortly after she started the column in the Mainichi Shimbun, Suu Kyi told the world political prisoners were barred from meeting their children for over two years and that their family members were being interrogated and harassed.
最初にスーチーさんの「手紙」の連載を初めて間もない９５年１２月、彼女は「籠の外の若い鳥」と題し、政治犯の子が親との面会を２年以上も許可されず、また家族が当局から尋問や嫌がらせを受けている窮状を訴えた。
Her message that she was not the only Myanmar woman detained for her political thoughts appears to reflect a kind of guilty feeling she harbors toward other people who were being suppressed by the military regime.
「私は、政治のために拘置されたビルマ唯一の女性ではない」という一文に、弾圧される人々への、ある種の後ろめたさがにじむ。
There is a special reason why Suu Kyi evaded being tortured or imprisoned even though she is the leader of Myanmar's pro-democracy movement. Her father played a leading role in winning Myanmar's independence and she is well-known to the world as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate. The military regime cannot simply take her away from society.
民主化運動の“首謀者”である彼女が拷問や投獄を免れたのには、特別な事情がある。父がビルマ独立運動に献身した将軍という血筋と、ノーベル平和賞を受賞した国際的知名度。軍政とて彼女を他の名もなき政治犯のように、いきなり表社会から消し去るようなまねはできない。
◇無名の政治犯に思いを寄せ続け
In other words, Suu Kyi is a pro-democracy activist whose safety is guaranteed. Therefore, she is obviously determined to share the pain imposed on her fellow pro-democracy activists. In the second letter of the current series that ran on Feb. 6, she confessed that she made a habit of having breakfast quite late during her house arrest "so that in my hunger I would not forget our comrades who were incarcerated not in their own homes but in prisons, often in places far distant from where their families live."
誤解を恐れずに言えば、彼女はミャンマーで最も身の安全を保障された民主化運動家である。だからこそ、仲間が強いられた痛みを率先して共有することを自らに課しているのだろう。連載再開２通目の手紙（２月６日朝刊）で彼女は、軟禁中に朝食の時間を遅らせていたことを明かした。「自らを空腹にすることで、刑務所に投獄され、家族から引き離されている同志を忘れないため」と記している。
I have met various people as a journalist, but I clearly remember I felt tense when I first met Suu Kyi. The feeling derived from my sense of reverence -- similar to a feeling I harbored toward citizens who repeatedly staged a sit-in protest in the Henoko district of Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, to express opposition to the relocation of a U.S. base to the area and those who were involved in a signature-collecting campaign against a so-called plutonium-thermal power generation project. They are determined to confront political power without resorting to violence.
私はこれまで記者としてさまざまな人と接してきたが、スーチーさんと向き合った時に感じた緊張には覚えがある。沖縄で米軍基地の移設を許さず辺野古の浜で座り込みを続ける人々や、佐賀で原発のプルサーマル発電に異を唱え署名を集めていた人々にも抱いた、非暴力不服従で権力に対峙（たいじ）する覚悟への、畏敬（いけい）の念だ。
I asked Suu Kyi, a Japanophile who studied at Kyoto University in the 1980s, what she expects Japan to do for the democratization of Myanmar. Instead of answering my question, she asked me whether I, as a Japanese national, have urged the Japanese government to pressure Myanmar's military regime to release all political prisoners. I couldn't nod with confidence to Suu Kyi, who shot a questioning glance at me. (By Pak Chong-chu, Foreign News Department)
８０年代に京都大へ留学した親日家でもあるスーチーさんに、ミャンマー民主化のため日本に期待することを尋ねたところ、「日本人なら当然、軍政に政治犯を釈放させるよう、自国の政府に働きかけているでしょう？」と逆に質問された。日本の覚悟を推し量ろうとするような彼女の瞳に自信を持ってうなずくことができなかった。（外信部）
毎日新聞 2011年2月24日 0時12分
昨日の国会中継、スラチャイもタイの自宅でみていました。
菅首相は自分が更迭したロシア大使の名前を知りませんでした。
ロシアに足元をみられるのも、もっともなことです。
したたかなロシアにここまでなめられている状態を作り出したのは菅首相を筆頭とする民主党でしょう。
菅首相は自分が更迭したロシア大使の名前を知りませんでした。
ロシアに足元をみられるのも、もっともなことです。
したたかなロシアにここまでなめられている状態を作り出したのは菅首相を筆頭とする民主党でしょう。
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 24, 2011)
N.Z. shows horror of near-field quakes
ＮＺ大地震 「直下型」の怖さ見せつけた（2月23日付・読売社説）
It was a bleak scene that prevailed after Tuesday's earthquake in New Zealand--buildings and other structures were reduced to piles of rubble, including an old British-style brick church.
英国風の古いレンガ造りの教会、ビルなどが無残に崩れ落ちている。
The disaster that struck Christchurch, the largest city on the country's South Island, has palpably demonstrated the ferocity of quakes that have their focus just below urban areas, known as near-field temblors.
ニュージーランド南島最大の都市クライストチャーチの被災状況は、都市直下型地震の脅威をまざまざと見せつけた。
The powerful earthquake has caused many casualties, including people crushed under the rubble of houses and other buildings that crumbled to the ground. According to media reports, an office building occupied by about 200 workers collapsed in the quake.
倒壊したビルの下敷きになるなどして多数の死傷者が出ている。２００人が勤務するオフィスビルも崩れ落ちたという。
More than 3,000 Japanese are believed to have been in the city at the time of the earthquake, including local residents, tourists and students.
日本人も、在住者に加え、観光客や留学生など計３０００人以上が市内にいたとみられる。
Among them were 23 teachers and students from Toyama College of Foreign Languages, who were visiting Christchurch to attend classes at a local school.
富山市の富山外国語専門学校からは、教員と学生計２３人が語学研修のため現地を訪れていた。
Reports say the teachers and students from Toyama were in the school cafeteria having lunch when the quake hit and that several members of the group were injured, some when they were trapped under the debris of the collapsed building. There has been no contact with some students.
地震が起きた時、昼食のためカフェテリアにいたという。崩壊した建物の下に閉じこめられるなどして、負傷者が出た。連絡がつかなくなっている学生らもいる。
We hope the Foreign Ministry, the travel agency responsible for arranging the group's trip to the city and all others connected to the latest disaster will try to confirm the situation of all Japanese victims as soon as possible.
外務省や旅行会社などは、被災者たちの一刻も早い安否確認に努めてもらいたい。
===
City overwhelmed
The earthquake has disturbed road traffic and communication networks in the city. Many local residents have evacuated from the devastated city center. Local medical institutions have found their staff and equipment insufficient to treat a large number of wounded people, and a state of emergency has been declared in the city.
現地では道路や通信網が混乱している。多くの住民が、被害の大きかった街の中心部から避難している。負傷者が多く、医療機関での治療が追いつかない。市内には非常事態が宣言された。
The Japanese government has sent an advance team to New Zealand to prepare for rescue operations in devastated areas there. Our country must extend swift and sufficient aid to the stricken area.
日本政府は、救出・救援活動に備えて先遣隊を送った。早急かつ十分な支援が求められる。
New Zealand is an earthquake-prone country, located in the southern Pacific Ocean at the convergence of two gigantic continental plates. Numerous active faults that can cause near-field earthquakes run under the country's inland areas.
ニュージーランドは、日本と同じ「地震国」だ。地球の表面を覆う巨大なプレート（岩板）同士がぶつかり合う場所にあり、内陸部には、直下型地震を引き起こす活断層がいくつもある。
This latest disaster came months after another major earthquake struck Christchurch in September, injuring more than 100 people. Tuesday's quake--which had a smaller magnitude than last year's temblor--turned out to be more devastating, as its focus was located only five kilometers underground.
クライストチャーチでは昨年９月にも大きな地震があり、１００人以上が負傷している。今回は前回ほどの規模ではなかったが、震源が５キロ・メートルと浅かったため、被害が大きくなった。
New Zealand sees only one-tenth as many noticeable and major quakes of Japan. Only a few massive earthquakes have ever been recorded in New Zealand, a nation that experienced its first major influx of immigrants from Europe about two centuries ago. Also, little progress has been made in investigating the state of active faults and other seismic elements in the nation.
ただ、ニュージーランドは、有感地震や大きな地震の発生頻度では日本の１０分の１程度だ。欧州からの移民が本格化して２００年余りのため、過去に起きた大地震の記録は少なく、活断層などの調査も進んでいるとは言えない。
===
Quake resistance insufficient
The latest quake has destroyed not only historical structures but many new office and other buildings, including some that were constructed with advanced quake-resistant technology. The degree of damage suffered by these buildings shows their resistance to seismic shocks was less than satisfactory.
一部の建造物には先進的な耐震技術が使われているが、被害状況を見ると、歴史的建物ばかりでなく新しいビルも崩壊している。耐震性が十分でなかったようだ。
The Great Hanshin Earthquake of 1995 was no less illuminating in this respect. The damage caused by that disaster shed light on the lack of sufficient earthquake resistance in many buildings in this country.
日本も、１９９５年の阪神大震災で、建造物の耐震性の弱さが露呈した。
Efforts have been made to improve the ability of such structures to withstand earthquakes, but there have been delays in anti-seismic reinforcement work on such structures as primary and middle school buildings nationwide.
その後、耐震補強が進められてはきたが、小中学校の校舎などの補強は遅れている。
It is essential to reexamine our preparedness for massive earthquakes, which could occur anywhere in the nation. This is particularly true with a near-field earthquake predicted to strike Tokyo soon, as well as quakes that seismologists say may happen in the Tokai region and some parts of the Kinki district.
いつ起きてもおかしくない首都直下地震や、東海、東南海、南海地震など巨大地震への備えを改めて点検することが大切だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 23, 2011)
（2011年2月23日01時12分 読売新聞）
N.Z. shows horror of near-field quakes
ＮＺ大地震 「直下型」の怖さ見せつけた（2月23日付・読売社説）
It was a bleak scene that prevailed after Tuesday's earthquake in New Zealand--buildings and other structures were reduced to piles of rubble, including an old British-style brick church.
英国風の古いレンガ造りの教会、ビルなどが無残に崩れ落ちている。
The disaster that struck Christchurch, the largest city on the country's South Island, has palpably demonstrated the ferocity of quakes that have their focus just below urban areas, known as near-field temblors.
ニュージーランド南島最大の都市クライストチャーチの被災状況は、都市直下型地震の脅威をまざまざと見せつけた。
The powerful earthquake has caused many casualties, including people crushed under the rubble of houses and other buildings that crumbled to the ground. According to media reports, an office building occupied by about 200 workers collapsed in the quake.
倒壊したビルの下敷きになるなどして多数の死傷者が出ている。２００人が勤務するオフィスビルも崩れ落ちたという。
More than 3,000 Japanese are believed to have been in the city at the time of the earthquake, including local residents, tourists and students.
日本人も、在住者に加え、観光客や留学生など計３０００人以上が市内にいたとみられる。
Among them were 23 teachers and students from Toyama College of Foreign Languages, who were visiting Christchurch to attend classes at a local school.
富山市の富山外国語専門学校からは、教員と学生計２３人が語学研修のため現地を訪れていた。
Reports say the teachers and students from Toyama were in the school cafeteria having lunch when the quake hit and that several members of the group were injured, some when they were trapped under the debris of the collapsed building. There has been no contact with some students.
地震が起きた時、昼食のためカフェテリアにいたという。崩壊した建物の下に閉じこめられるなどして、負傷者が出た。連絡がつかなくなっている学生らもいる。
We hope the Foreign Ministry, the travel agency responsible for arranging the group's trip to the city and all others connected to the latest disaster will try to confirm the situation of all Japanese victims as soon as possible.
外務省や旅行会社などは、被災者たちの一刻も早い安否確認に努めてもらいたい。
===
City overwhelmed
The earthquake has disturbed road traffic and communication networks in the city. Many local residents have evacuated from the devastated city center. Local medical institutions have found their staff and equipment insufficient to treat a large number of wounded people, and a state of emergency has been declared in the city.
現地では道路や通信網が混乱している。多くの住民が、被害の大きかった街の中心部から避難している。負傷者が多く、医療機関での治療が追いつかない。市内には非常事態が宣言された。
The Japanese government has sent an advance team to New Zealand to prepare for rescue operations in devastated areas there. Our country must extend swift and sufficient aid to the stricken area.
日本政府は、救出・救援活動に備えて先遣隊を送った。早急かつ十分な支援が求められる。
New Zealand is an earthquake-prone country, located in the southern Pacific Ocean at the convergence of two gigantic continental plates. Numerous active faults that can cause near-field earthquakes run under the country's inland areas.
ニュージーランドは、日本と同じ「地震国」だ。地球の表面を覆う巨大なプレート（岩板）同士がぶつかり合う場所にあり、内陸部には、直下型地震を引き起こす活断層がいくつもある。
This latest disaster came months after another major earthquake struck Christchurch in September, injuring more than 100 people. Tuesday's quake--which had a smaller magnitude than last year's temblor--turned out to be more devastating, as its focus was located only five kilometers underground.
クライストチャーチでは昨年９月にも大きな地震があり、１００人以上が負傷している。今回は前回ほどの規模ではなかったが、震源が５キロ・メートルと浅かったため、被害が大きくなった。
New Zealand sees only one-tenth as many noticeable and major quakes of Japan. Only a few massive earthquakes have ever been recorded in New Zealand, a nation that experienced its first major influx of immigrants from Europe about two centuries ago. Also, little progress has been made in investigating the state of active faults and other seismic elements in the nation.
ただ、ニュージーランドは、有感地震や大きな地震の発生頻度では日本の１０分の１程度だ。欧州からの移民が本格化して２００年余りのため、過去に起きた大地震の記録は少なく、活断層などの調査も進んでいるとは言えない。
===
Quake resistance insufficient
The latest quake has destroyed not only historical structures but many new office and other buildings, including some that were constructed with advanced quake-resistant technology. The degree of damage suffered by these buildings shows their resistance to seismic shocks was less than satisfactory.
一部の建造物には先進的な耐震技術が使われているが、被害状況を見ると、歴史的建物ばかりでなく新しいビルも崩壊している。耐震性が十分でなかったようだ。
The Great Hanshin Earthquake of 1995 was no less illuminating in this respect. The damage caused by that disaster shed light on the lack of sufficient earthquake resistance in many buildings in this country.
日本も、１９９５年の阪神大震災で、建造物の耐震性の弱さが露呈した。
Efforts have been made to improve the ability of such structures to withstand earthquakes, but there have been delays in anti-seismic reinforcement work on such structures as primary and middle school buildings nationwide.
その後、耐震補強が進められてはきたが、小中学校の校舎などの補強は遅れている。
It is essential to reexamine our preparedness for massive earthquakes, which could occur anywhere in the nation. This is particularly true with a near-field earthquake predicted to strike Tokyo soon, as well as quakes that seismologists say may happen in the Tokai region and some parts of the Kinki district.
いつ起きてもおかしくない首都直下地震や、東海、東南海、南海地震など巨大地震への備えを改めて点検することが大切だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 23, 2011)
（2011年2月23日01時12分 読売新聞）
誤解していました。男ですね。良し悪しは別にして。見事な覚悟です。
ムバラク大統領とはちがうようですね。
エジプトでは民衆がムバラク大統領の蓄財の返還を求める動き。
ムバラク大統領とはちがうようですね。
エジプトでは民衆がムバラク大統領の蓄財の返還を求める動き。
2011/02/22
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 21
EDITORIAL: Politics in shambles
小沢氏流を超えて―「政局」政治から卒業を
Japan's political disease appears to be getting worse by the day.
日本政治の病、いよいよ篤（あつ）しの感が深い。
The malady that has stricken so many members of the political community is characterized by an obsession with power struggles in Nagatacho and causes lawmakers to neglect their primary task: the development and execution of policies.
政策の立案決定や遂行よりも、権力の争奪をめぐる永田町のなかの抗争、いわゆる政局にかまける病である。
A group of 16 lawmakers of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan who are close to former party chief Ichiro Ozawa have announced their intention to leave the party's Diet bloc. Within the party, open calls are being heard for Prime Minister Naoto Kan to step down.
民主党の小沢一郎元代表に近い議員１６人が同党の会派からの離脱を表明し、党内では菅直人首相の退陣論が公然と語られ始めた。
Kan has responded to the moves within his own party by indicating he might dissolve the Lower House for a snap election.
これに対し首相は衆院解散に含みを持たせ、対抗する。
All this is happening in the midst of the Diet deliberations on the government's draft budget for new fiscal year, which starts in April.
新年度予算案審議の真っ最中である。
The outlook of crucial budget-related bills is unclear. It is a matter of great urgency to craft a plan for the proposed integrated tax and social security reform.
予算関連法案の成否はきわどい。社会保障と税の一体改革に目鼻をつける作業は待ったなしだ。
In other words, Japan cannot afford to allow its lawmakers in both the ruling and opposition camps to be engrossed in the political power game.
そんな時期に、与野党あげて「政局」政治に没頭している余裕は、いまの日本にはない。
At the root of the current political situation is the struggle between Ozawa supporters and the anti-Ozawa camp that has defined the framework of Japanese politics for two decades.
「小沢」か、「脱小沢」か。２０年来の日本政治を枠づけてきた対立構図が、今回の局面の底流にも横たわる。
It is hard to believe that the nation's political maladies can be cured without solving this problem.
これを清算することなしに、政治の病が癒えるとは考えにくい。
It is therefore important to take a fresh look at what Ozawa's brand of politics is really about.
小沢氏流の政治とは何かを、改めて見つめ直さなければならない。
The concentration of power
■めざすは「権力集中」
The key word to understanding Ozawa's politics is, after all, power.
小沢政治を解剖する道具とすべき言葉は、やはり「権力」だろう。
Ozawa once led the movement for political reform. But for what?
小沢氏は「政治改革」を主導した。何のためか。
In his book "Nihon Kaizo Keikaku" ("Blueprint for a New Japan,") published in 1993, Ozawa wrote about a "troubling lack of leadership."
１９９３年に出した「日本改造計画」冒頭に、「迷惑な『指導力の欠如』」という項目がある。
According to Ozawa, Japan is "a dinosaur with a small brain." The creature's every move is controlled not by the brain of the leader's decisions, but through coordination among its limbs and tail. That's how Japanese politics works, he argues.
それによれば、日本は「小さな脳しか持たない恐竜」である。脳、つまり指導者の指示ではなく、手足やしっぽが互いに調整し、一挙手一投足を決める。それが日本政治だというのだ。
During the Persian Gulf crisis, the overseas deployment of Self-Defense Forces troops to support international peace-keeping efforts was blocked by opposition within the government and resistance by opposition parties.
湾岸危機の際、自衛隊海外派遣を、政府内の異論や野党の抵抗に阻まれていた。
Referring to this experience, Ozawa calls for changing the decision-making system and "democratic concentration" of power in the top leader.
意思決定の仕組みを変え、権力を最高責任者に「民主主義的に集中」しなければならないと説く。
Ozawa's political reform was aimed, first and foremost, at enabling quick decision-making.
何より迅速な「決断」を可能にすることが、小沢氏の政治改革だった。
From time to time, Ozawa has played brass-knuckle politics to secure the power needed for such decision-making.
決断を支える権力を手にするためなら、小沢氏は時になりふり構わず行動してきた。
In 2007, when he was the DPJ's president, Ozawa led the party to a victory in the Upper House election that made it the largest voting bloc in the chamber.
民主党代表だった２００７年、参院選で第１党に躍進した。
Ozawa parlayed his party's strength in the Upper House to stage fierce political attacks on the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito, forcing one prime minister to resign after another.
その後は自民・公明政権を徹底的に揺さぶり、次々に首相を退陣に追い込んだ。
Still fresh in our memories are his successful bids to block the government's nominees for the post of Bank of Japan governor, which caused the top post at the central bank to remain vacant for a while. And then he won the political battle to ensure the expiration of gasoline tax surcharges.
日本銀行総裁を空席に、ガソリン税の暫定税率を期限切れにしたのは記憶に新しい。
The DPJ's manifesto for the 2009 Lower House election was developed in line with the agenda set by Ozawa before his resignation as party president over political donations by Nishimatsu Construction Co.
０９年の衆院選マニフェスト（政権公約）は、西松建設事件で代表を辞任する前に、小沢氏が敷いた路線に沿ってつくられた。
Ozawa enlarged the scale of the DPJ-proposed child-care allowance program, claiming the money needed to finance the program would be raised, no matter how much.
「財源はなんぼでもできる」と言い切り、子ども手当の規模を拡大させたのも小沢氏である。
While it's true that Ozawa's political tactics made some contribution to his party's ascent to power, the government is now paying an enormous price for his tactics.
こうした戦術が政権交代になにがしかの「貢献」をしたのは事実だろう。しかし、その「貢献」のおかげで政権が払わされている代償は甚大である。
The Kan administration is facing opposition criticism that the DPJ made many empty policy promises not backed by a solid financing plan. There is currently little hope for constructive bipartisan talks on Kan's key policy proposals.
公約は財源のない空証文だと批判を浴びて、与野党協議もままならない。
Ozawa's past behavior indicates that his political priorities may not be realizing policies and visions, and he has insisted that the DPJ should stick to its manifesto.
小沢氏流の政治はまた、政策なり理念なりを二の次にしていると疑わざるをえない。
小沢氏は衆院選公約の固守を説く。
Old-fashioned numbers game
■古い原理に乗る矛盾
During the process of formulating the budget for the current fiscal year, however, he decided that the gasoline tax surcharges should stay in place despite his previous fight to have them scrapped.
しかし、あれほど廃止にこだわっていた暫定税率の維持を、１０年度予算編成で決めたのは小沢氏自身である。
Ozawa also decided that outlays for land improvement projects should be halved, a move seen as political punishment for an industry organization that supported the LDP. His move forced the organization to declare its "political neutrality."
土地改良予算半減の判断も、小沢氏によるものだ。それは自民党支持の業界団体への制裁と受け止められ、団体は「政治的中立」を宣言するに至る。
If his true goal is the realization of his policy visions, he had many opportunities to pursue the goal while the DPJ was an opposition party controlling the Upper House. But he didn't take advantage of these opportunities.
政策の実現が真の目的なら、参院の多数を握っていた野党時代にも、それは十分可能だったはずだが、小沢氏はそうはしなかった。
In addition, there is little transparency in the way he exercises his political power. In a dual power structure, Ozawa made policy decisions as a party kingpin while pulling the strings of the prime minister, who is supposed to be the top decision-maker.
しかも、その権力行使は透明性を欠く。「最高責任者」たる首相の背後で党側の小沢氏が決める「二重権力」。
Unlike the prime minister, who cannot escape from his accountability to the Diet, Ozawa can easily avoid being held accountable for his decisions.
国会から逃れられない首相と異なり、説明責任からも自由になりやすい。
He acts on the conviction that the source of political power lies in the number of allies. This is the logic of faction politics, which involves increasing the number of followers by offering election support and money.
力の源泉は数。選挙や資金の面倒をみて手勢を養う派閥の論理である。
That's why the public casts a suspicious eye on his fund-raising machine, which secures the huge amounts of money needed for this politics of patronage.
だから、多額の資金をどう賄っているのか疑問の目を向けられることになる。
Ozawa's advocacy of reform is fundamentally incompatible with his old-fashioned approach to politics, which is a legacy of the so-called 1955 system, marked by the de facto monopoly of power by the LDP amid ideological confrontation with the Socialists.
５５年体制的な古い原理に乗って「改革」を主導する。そこに小沢氏の抱える自己矛盾を見てとることができる。
Ozawa's commitment to creating a political situation where power transfers to and fro between two major parties is the original goal of his political reform has also become shaky, if his actions in recent years are any indication.
「２大政党による政権交代のある政治」の実現という政治改革の原点も、その後の小沢氏の行動からすれば揺らいで見える。
During the administration of Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, Ozawa surprised the public by plotting to engineer a "grand coalition" between the LDP and the DPJ.
福田内閣時代、自民、民主の「大連立」を工作し、世を驚かせた。
After the DPJ came to power, however, Ozawa adopted a political strategy focused on weakening the LDP's power base.
逆に政権奪取後は、自民党を徹底的に追い詰める方向にかじを切る。
His political track record inevitably leaves us wondering what he has been pursing other than power.
その政治的遍歴を見るにつけ、小沢氏が追い求めてきたものは結局、権力のほかの何だったのかという疑問が浮かんでくる。
No time to unseat the Cabinet
■「倒閣」の時なのか
Politics, of course, is a practice that can never be separated from power.
もとより政治という営みは権力と無縁では成り立たない。
Japan's voting public will never see an end to power struggles among their lawmakers. But something has to give.
今後も時に「政局」と呼ばれる抗争局面が訪れるだろう。しかし、物事には限度がある。
The nation has been plagued by constant political bickering. Since the departure of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, the revolving door at the prime minister's office over the past several years has presented an unseemly spectacle. Ozawa's political influence was apparently behind many of these leadership changes.
ポスト小泉の日本政治は、政争がひときわ絶え間ない。首相の「たらい回し」は目に余る。その多くに小沢氏の影が見える。
It is about time for Japan to outgrow this acceptance of constant political power struggles and depart from winning power by making smooth talk to voters.
そろそろ、権力闘争にうつつを抜かす政治から卒業する時である。
Maybe then lawmakers will be able to take a hard look at the bitter realities facing the nation and tackle them head-on.
甘い言葉で権力を奪う政治から、苦い現実を見据える政治へ。
Japan needs a leader who offers careful explanations about his policies and makes serious efforts to persuade the public to support them, instead of a leader who acts as if he had a carte blanche.
白紙委任を得たかのように振る舞う指導者から、丁寧に説明し、説得する指導者へ。
Japan also needs a Diet that seeks agreements through serious debate focused on policy issues, instead of a Diet preoccupied with partisan invectives.
与野党が非難の応酬に終始する国会から、政策本位で合意を探る国会へ。
The public is taking a dim view of the Kan administration, which is struggling to improve its performance.
菅政権は低迷を脱せず、民意の評価は一層厳しい。
Even so, with every Japanese keenly aware that the nation is facing a litany of woes, this is no time for political battles between ruling party rebels trying to overthrow the Cabinet and a prime minister threatening to dissolve the Lower House.
それでもなお、誰もが日本の難局を痛感している今このとき、「倒閣」だ、「解散」だとぶつかり合っている場合だろうか。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 21
EDITORIAL: Politics in shambles
小沢氏流を超えて―「政局」政治から卒業を
Japan's political disease appears to be getting worse by the day.
日本政治の病、いよいよ篤（あつ）しの感が深い。
The malady that has stricken so many members of the political community is characterized by an obsession with power struggles in Nagatacho and causes lawmakers to neglect their primary task: the development and execution of policies.
政策の立案決定や遂行よりも、権力の争奪をめぐる永田町のなかの抗争、いわゆる政局にかまける病である。
A group of 16 lawmakers of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan who are close to former party chief Ichiro Ozawa have announced their intention to leave the party's Diet bloc. Within the party, open calls are being heard for Prime Minister Naoto Kan to step down.
民主党の小沢一郎元代表に近い議員１６人が同党の会派からの離脱を表明し、党内では菅直人首相の退陣論が公然と語られ始めた。
Kan has responded to the moves within his own party by indicating he might dissolve the Lower House for a snap election.
これに対し首相は衆院解散に含みを持たせ、対抗する。
All this is happening in the midst of the Diet deliberations on the government's draft budget for new fiscal year, which starts in April.
新年度予算案審議の真っ最中である。
The outlook of crucial budget-related bills is unclear. It is a matter of great urgency to craft a plan for the proposed integrated tax and social security reform.
予算関連法案の成否はきわどい。社会保障と税の一体改革に目鼻をつける作業は待ったなしだ。
In other words, Japan cannot afford to allow its lawmakers in both the ruling and opposition camps to be engrossed in the political power game.
そんな時期に、与野党あげて「政局」政治に没頭している余裕は、いまの日本にはない。
At the root of the current political situation is the struggle between Ozawa supporters and the anti-Ozawa camp that has defined the framework of Japanese politics for two decades.
「小沢」か、「脱小沢」か。２０年来の日本政治を枠づけてきた対立構図が、今回の局面の底流にも横たわる。
It is hard to believe that the nation's political maladies can be cured without solving this problem.
これを清算することなしに、政治の病が癒えるとは考えにくい。
It is therefore important to take a fresh look at what Ozawa's brand of politics is really about.
小沢氏流の政治とは何かを、改めて見つめ直さなければならない。
The concentration of power
■めざすは「権力集中」
The key word to understanding Ozawa's politics is, after all, power.
小沢政治を解剖する道具とすべき言葉は、やはり「権力」だろう。
Ozawa once led the movement for political reform. But for what?
小沢氏は「政治改革」を主導した。何のためか。
In his book "Nihon Kaizo Keikaku" ("Blueprint for a New Japan,") published in 1993, Ozawa wrote about a "troubling lack of leadership."
１９９３年に出した「日本改造計画」冒頭に、「迷惑な『指導力の欠如』」という項目がある。
According to Ozawa, Japan is "a dinosaur with a small brain." The creature's every move is controlled not by the brain of the leader's decisions, but through coordination among its limbs and tail. That's how Japanese politics works, he argues.
それによれば、日本は「小さな脳しか持たない恐竜」である。脳、つまり指導者の指示ではなく、手足やしっぽが互いに調整し、一挙手一投足を決める。それが日本政治だというのだ。
During the Persian Gulf crisis, the overseas deployment of Self-Defense Forces troops to support international peace-keeping efforts was blocked by opposition within the government and resistance by opposition parties.
湾岸危機の際、自衛隊海外派遣を、政府内の異論や野党の抵抗に阻まれていた。
Referring to this experience, Ozawa calls for changing the decision-making system and "democratic concentration" of power in the top leader.
意思決定の仕組みを変え、権力を最高責任者に「民主主義的に集中」しなければならないと説く。
Ozawa's political reform was aimed, first and foremost, at enabling quick decision-making.
何より迅速な「決断」を可能にすることが、小沢氏の政治改革だった。
From time to time, Ozawa has played brass-knuckle politics to secure the power needed for such decision-making.
決断を支える権力を手にするためなら、小沢氏は時になりふり構わず行動してきた。
In 2007, when he was the DPJ's president, Ozawa led the party to a victory in the Upper House election that made it the largest voting bloc in the chamber.
民主党代表だった２００７年、参院選で第１党に躍進した。
Ozawa parlayed his party's strength in the Upper House to stage fierce political attacks on the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito, forcing one prime minister to resign after another.
その後は自民・公明政権を徹底的に揺さぶり、次々に首相を退陣に追い込んだ。
Still fresh in our memories are his successful bids to block the government's nominees for the post of Bank of Japan governor, which caused the top post at the central bank to remain vacant for a while. And then he won the political battle to ensure the expiration of gasoline tax surcharges.
日本銀行総裁を空席に、ガソリン税の暫定税率を期限切れにしたのは記憶に新しい。
The DPJ's manifesto for the 2009 Lower House election was developed in line with the agenda set by Ozawa before his resignation as party president over political donations by Nishimatsu Construction Co.
０９年の衆院選マニフェスト（政権公約）は、西松建設事件で代表を辞任する前に、小沢氏が敷いた路線に沿ってつくられた。
Ozawa enlarged the scale of the DPJ-proposed child-care allowance program, claiming the money needed to finance the program would be raised, no matter how much.
「財源はなんぼでもできる」と言い切り、子ども手当の規模を拡大させたのも小沢氏である。
While it's true that Ozawa's political tactics made some contribution to his party's ascent to power, the government is now paying an enormous price for his tactics.
こうした戦術が政権交代になにがしかの「貢献」をしたのは事実だろう。しかし、その「貢献」のおかげで政権が払わされている代償は甚大である。
The Kan administration is facing opposition criticism that the DPJ made many empty policy promises not backed by a solid financing plan. There is currently little hope for constructive bipartisan talks on Kan's key policy proposals.
公約は財源のない空証文だと批判を浴びて、与野党協議もままならない。
Ozawa's past behavior indicates that his political priorities may not be realizing policies and visions, and he has insisted that the DPJ should stick to its manifesto.
小沢氏流の政治はまた、政策なり理念なりを二の次にしていると疑わざるをえない。
小沢氏は衆院選公約の固守を説く。
Old-fashioned numbers game
■古い原理に乗る矛盾
During the process of formulating the budget for the current fiscal year, however, he decided that the gasoline tax surcharges should stay in place despite his previous fight to have them scrapped.
しかし、あれほど廃止にこだわっていた暫定税率の維持を、１０年度予算編成で決めたのは小沢氏自身である。
Ozawa also decided that outlays for land improvement projects should be halved, a move seen as political punishment for an industry organization that supported the LDP. His move forced the organization to declare its "political neutrality."
土地改良予算半減の判断も、小沢氏によるものだ。それは自民党支持の業界団体への制裁と受け止められ、団体は「政治的中立」を宣言するに至る。
If his true goal is the realization of his policy visions, he had many opportunities to pursue the goal while the DPJ was an opposition party controlling the Upper House. But he didn't take advantage of these opportunities.
政策の実現が真の目的なら、参院の多数を握っていた野党時代にも、それは十分可能だったはずだが、小沢氏はそうはしなかった。
In addition, there is little transparency in the way he exercises his political power. In a dual power structure, Ozawa made policy decisions as a party kingpin while pulling the strings of the prime minister, who is supposed to be the top decision-maker.
しかも、その権力行使は透明性を欠く。「最高責任者」たる首相の背後で党側の小沢氏が決める「二重権力」。
Unlike the prime minister, who cannot escape from his accountability to the Diet, Ozawa can easily avoid being held accountable for his decisions.
国会から逃れられない首相と異なり、説明責任からも自由になりやすい。
He acts on the conviction that the source of political power lies in the number of allies. This is the logic of faction politics, which involves increasing the number of followers by offering election support and money.
力の源泉は数。選挙や資金の面倒をみて手勢を養う派閥の論理である。
That's why the public casts a suspicious eye on his fund-raising machine, which secures the huge amounts of money needed for this politics of patronage.
だから、多額の資金をどう賄っているのか疑問の目を向けられることになる。
Ozawa's advocacy of reform is fundamentally incompatible with his old-fashioned approach to politics, which is a legacy of the so-called 1955 system, marked by the de facto monopoly of power by the LDP amid ideological confrontation with the Socialists.
５５年体制的な古い原理に乗って「改革」を主導する。そこに小沢氏の抱える自己矛盾を見てとることができる。
Ozawa's commitment to creating a political situation where power transfers to and fro between two major parties is the original goal of his political reform has also become shaky, if his actions in recent years are any indication.
「２大政党による政権交代のある政治」の実現という政治改革の原点も、その後の小沢氏の行動からすれば揺らいで見える。
During the administration of Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, Ozawa surprised the public by plotting to engineer a "grand coalition" between the LDP and the DPJ.
福田内閣時代、自民、民主の「大連立」を工作し、世を驚かせた。
After the DPJ came to power, however, Ozawa adopted a political strategy focused on weakening the LDP's power base.
逆に政権奪取後は、自民党を徹底的に追い詰める方向にかじを切る。
His political track record inevitably leaves us wondering what he has been pursing other than power.
その政治的遍歴を見るにつけ、小沢氏が追い求めてきたものは結局、権力のほかの何だったのかという疑問が浮かんでくる。
No time to unseat the Cabinet
■「倒閣」の時なのか
Politics, of course, is a practice that can never be separated from power.
もとより政治という営みは権力と無縁では成り立たない。
Japan's voting public will never see an end to power struggles among their lawmakers. But something has to give.
今後も時に「政局」と呼ばれる抗争局面が訪れるだろう。しかし、物事には限度がある。
The nation has been plagued by constant political bickering. Since the departure of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, the revolving door at the prime minister's office over the past several years has presented an unseemly spectacle. Ozawa's political influence was apparently behind many of these leadership changes.
ポスト小泉の日本政治は、政争がひときわ絶え間ない。首相の「たらい回し」は目に余る。その多くに小沢氏の影が見える。
It is about time for Japan to outgrow this acceptance of constant political power struggles and depart from winning power by making smooth talk to voters.
そろそろ、権力闘争にうつつを抜かす政治から卒業する時である。
Maybe then lawmakers will be able to take a hard look at the bitter realities facing the nation and tackle them head-on.
甘い言葉で権力を奪う政治から、苦い現実を見据える政治へ。
Japan needs a leader who offers careful explanations about his policies and makes serious efforts to persuade the public to support them, instead of a leader who acts as if he had a carte blanche.
白紙委任を得たかのように振る舞う指導者から、丁寧に説明し、説得する指導者へ。
Japan also needs a Diet that seeks agreements through serious debate focused on policy issues, instead of a Diet preoccupied with partisan invectives.
与野党が非難の応酬に終始する国会から、政策本位で合意を探る国会へ。
The public is taking a dim view of the Kan administration, which is struggling to improve its performance.
菅政権は低迷を脱せず、民意の評価は一層厳しい。
Even so, with every Japanese keenly aware that the nation is facing a litany of woes, this is no time for political battles between ruling party rebels trying to overthrow the Cabinet and a prime minister threatening to dissolve the Lower House.
それでもなお、誰もが日本の難局を痛感している今このとき、「倒閣」だ、「解散」だとぶつかり合っている場合だろうか。
タイのイミグレがビザの延長申請に対して大変厳しくなりました。今年からみたいです。昨年は申請一発でOKでしたが、今回は現住所の地図とか自宅内と自宅前で撮影した家族全員の写真を出せとか、タイ全土でタイヘンなことになっています。
特にプライドの高い欧米人への風当たりは強烈です。
昨日２回イミグレに出頭、今日もご機嫌伺いに出かけます。
タイヘンなことになりました。
うまくいったらご報告いたします。
スラチャイ
特にプライドの高い欧米人への風当たりは強烈です。
昨日２回イミグレに出頭、今日もご機嫌伺いに出かけます。
タイヘンなことになりました。
うまくいったらご報告いたします。
スラチャイ
