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news20100413gdn1

2010-04-13 14:55:40 | Weblog
[News] from [guardian.co.uk]

[Environment > Global climate talks]
Copenhagen destroyed by Danish draft leak, says India's environment minister
{インドの環境大臣によると、コペンハーゲン会議はデンマークの草案漏れで台無しに。}


Jairam Ramesh claims Connie Hedegaard admitted leak of text was 'death blow from which summit never recovered'
{ジャイラムラメシュ大臣よると、コニーヘドガールド元大臣、草案の漏れにより’会議が回復できない致命的な打撃となった’と認めた。}


Jonathan Watts in Boao, Hainan
guardian.co.uk, Monday 12 April 2010 13.00 BST
Article history

{{The chairwoman of the Copenhagen conference Connie Hedegaard greets the Indian environment minister Jairam Ramesh at a dinner before the summit last December.}
{Photograph}: Jens Astrup/AFP/Getty Images}

The Copenhagen conference was destroyed from the start by the leak of the "Danish draft" negotiating text to The Guardian, the Indian environment minister said this weekend in a warning that the breakdown of international trust would continue to undermine climate talks this year.

In an interview with The Guardian ahead of a new round of meetings, Jairam Ramesh shed new light on last December's fraught summit and highlighted the continuing gulf between rich nations and the Basic block of emerging economies — Brazil, South Africa, India and China.

Dismissing Britain's attempt to blame China for the disappointment of Copenhagen, the Indian minister said the outcome was determined by a failed "ambush", targeted at the leaders of emerging economies, by the host nation Denmark. This attempted to switch a new negotiating text for the existing UN texts.

"The Danish draft was circulated at the beginning of the conference, which got mysteriously leaked to the Guardian. That completely destroyed trust. It was the leak of the Danish draft that destroyed Copenhagen from day one," said Ramesh, at a sustainable growth forum in Hainan.

The Danish text was a proposed compromise, which was confidentially circulated in advance of the conference to senior negotiators. Ramesh said he and his Chinese counterpart Xie Zhenhua had informally seen the document and pointed out which areas were unacceptable.

This back door negotiating track collapsed when the text was leaked before consensus had been reached, undermining the authority of the Danish chair, Connie Hedegaard.

"Yesterday Connie Hedegaard came to see me in Delhi and she admitted for the first time that the leak of the Danish draft was the death blow from which Copenhagen never recovered," said Ramesh.

The wide-ranging 30-page compromise draft was scrapped, leaving world leaders to scrabble for a replacement. Most of the negotiating was done during the frantic, final 24 hours, during which Basic nations formed their own huddle. According to Ramesh, their leaders had made it clear from the outset that they were not there to negotiate a document.

"That was not the objective of the head's of state meeting. It was bizarre to see heads of state arguing over English language, over punctuation. That was the job of the sherpas," he recalled, referring to the officials who do the preparation work for negotiations. "President Lula sat for half an hour and left because he realised what was happening. It was an ambush."

After the weak Copenhagen accord was unveiled, several European negotiators said China had blocked numerical targets, including a proposal from the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, that the 2050 goal would only apply to rich nations. Ramesh described this criticism as intellectual hypocrisy. He said a 2050 goal for rich nations would implicitly curtail the "carbon space" left for development by emerging economies, ie the amount of greenhouse gases that could be emitted without causing dangerous global warming.

"I told [Merkel], 'Madam, we are not against a global goal, but let us have clarity about how to assure equity to carbon space.'" Ramesh recalled. "That is big question mark even today. If you are not going to address issue of equity to carbon space you are not going to get India and China to agree to a global deal."

India and China are the core of the Basic group, which has begun holding quarterly meetings to coordinate its response to future climate negotiations. Its next gathering will be in Cape Town on 25 April, ahead of a ministerial meeting called by Merkel on 2 May to lay the political groundwork for talks later this year in Berlin and Cancun.

Ramesh was not optimistic about the prospects for progress. "I don't see 2010 being any different from 2009. There are certain key triggers for success that I don't see happening," he said, noting "disappointing" US efforts to reduce greenhouse gases, uncertainty about a promised $30bn in climate aid for the worst affected nations, and the absence of efforts to reduce the "trust deficit."

Efforts to improve the negotiating climate had not been helped, he said, by UK criticism of China's role. "I was appalled, frankly, that publicly high-level representatives of your government wrote comments in your paper about China's destructive role. Mercifully India was not mentioned in dispatches."

He was also scathing about reports that the US will not provide climate funds to countries such as Ecuador and Bolivia that failed to sign up to the Copenhagen accord.

"Here you have an agreement that frankly has no legal status. It is useful, but you cannot use the Copenhagen accord to impose your will on the rest of the world," he said. "Especially by a country that was party to the Kyoto protocol and never ratified it."


[Business > Royal Dutch Shell]
Shell fights shareholders' campaign for oil sands review
{シェル社、オイルサンドの見直しを求める株主の運動に対抗。}


> Investors table special resolution prior to May meeting
{投資家、五月の総会前に特別決議を提出。}
> Campaigners argue project is an environmental liability
{運動家、プロジェクトには環境上の不利益があると疑義。}

Tim Webb
guardian.co.uk, Monday 12 April 2010 21.29 BST
Article history

{{A group of institutional investors want Shell to review the commerical and environmental viability of its oil sands project.}
{Photograph}: John Vida}l

Shell has dismissed shareholder calls for a review of its controversial oil sands developments.

A group of institutional investors, led by campaign group FairPensions, had tabled a special resolution ahead of the Anglo-Dutch company's annual meeting next month. They want Shell to review the commercial and environmental viability of going ahead with its new projects in Canada's boreal forests.

But the Anglo-Dutch oil company today urged other investors to vote down the resolution. "Whilst the issues raised by the group of shareholders ... are valid and appreciated ... it would set a precedent which, if applied more generally to the company's major investment opportunities, would add unnecessary costs and duplication of effort."

The letter to shareholders, giving notice of the meeting in the Hague on 18 May, added that the company had already provided all the non commercially sensitive information to shareholders about its oil sands projects. BP, whose annual meeting takes place on Thursday, is facing similar pressure from shareholders over its own oil sands activities.

Shell's next development phase of its Athabasca joint venture will soon add 100,000 barrels per day. This will take production from oil sands mining to 4% of its total production. About 0.6% of its current production comes from in situ operations, where the oil is recovered from beneath the ground by drilling.

The campaign led by FairPensions, whose supporters include the Co-operative and trade union Unison, argue that the projects are too big an environmental and economic liability. They also argue that climate change caused by oil sands development could put at risk shareholders' other investments.

The issue of oil sands has soared up the political and environmental agenda since the Copenhagen summit highlighted the need for a clampdown on carbon-intensive activities.

news20100413gdn2

2010-04-13 14:44:22 | Weblog
[News] from [guardian.co.uk]

[News > Politics > General election 2010]
Labour election manifesto: weak, not tough, on causes of climate change
{労働党の選挙マニフェスト:気候温暖化問題への対応が弱く切れがない。}


Green policies lack detail but some experts detect 'seismic shift' in new era of regulations, sanctions and subsidies
{グリーン政策は詳細に欠けるが、専門家は規制、制裁、助成金等に新時代に即した’劇的な転換’が見受けられると。}

Juliette Jowit
guardian.co.uk, Monday 12 April 2010 19.00 BST
Article history

{A future
fair for all}
{Cover of the Labour Manifesto 2010: a green future for all?}

Disappointment greeted the Labour environment manifesto today as experts from all quarters suggested there was nothing new, it was too cautious about cutting climate change emissions, and there was not enough detail about policies they liked.

Buried in section 8 of the party's manifesto, however, was a radical statement which might also herald a very different time ahead if Labour is elected to government for a fourth term.

Introducing the Green Growth chapter, it says: "Only active governments can shape markets to prioritise green growth and job creation. Environmental sustainability cannot be left to individuals and businesses acting alone."

Where for so long Labour policy has focused on targets, encouragement and partnerships; this appears to herald a new era of firm rules, limits and sanctions; what Ed Matthew, who runs Transform UK, a group working on the UK's shift to a low carbon economy, calls a "seismic shift".

To encourage more low carbon energy, for example, Matthew said government needed to offer more subsidies, grants and low interest loans to the new companies.

"After 13 years they have finally understood that they can't create a low carbon, secure energy supply in this country without some more intervention," said Matthew. "[We need] certainty for investors so they shift their money from high to low carbon energy services. They need that support to get off the ground, but eventually they'll stand on their own and end up cheaper than the fossil fuel industries."

Such a fundamental shift in policy would open up the prospect of a battle of ideas between the main parties on the environment. Liberal Democrats have already - more overtly - embraced the intervention agenda; Conservatives have taken more cautious steps, advocating new financial institutions like the Green Investment Bank and a feed-in-tariff for big renewable energy schemes, but might not be willing to go this way for industrial policy, said Matthew.

Supporters of this approach point to the global success stories in creating green industries: China, South Korea and Germany have all been more interventionist.

"Regulation has been such a dirty word for 13 years for Labour," added Matthew. "It's about realising regulation isn't red tape: regulation is the building blocks on which our society is built, if you get it right it's great for the economy and, critically, for the environment."

Clues as to how brave Labour would be in office were mixed: the manifesto repeated an early suggestion that the party would ban many items from landfill in future, and promised that if the European Commission did not ban illegally logged timber, the UK would do so unilaterally. However, it continued to say that better food labelling would be designed "with" (although they presumably mean "by") the food industry and retailers, and that it wanted to introduce more competition into the energy market, something which could make it harder, not easier, to meet climate and security targets.

There were few new ideas in the manifesto, though many of the existing proposals are either fairly recent (local communities to share in renewable power profits) or very long term (400,000 new green jobs).

One new initiative is the promise to create more protected areas, and forest and woodland, as well as to "sustain" the amount of greenbelt land. Protected areas will be especially picked to create wildlife "corridors" along which species can migrate as they adapt to climate change, something that conservationists have long been asking for.

The party also tantalisingly promised a new "framework" for land use, to balance the competing demands of housing and development, wildlife and climate change, and food security. However there was no detail about what this would be, or how it would be determined.