[News] from [guardian.co.uk]
[News > World news > United states]
Appalachians yield a familiar tale of corporate dereliction
A disaster in a coal mine that cost the lives of at least 25 miners has, once again, exposed the manifest shortcomings of the large company that runs it
Paul Harris New York
The Observer, Sunday 11 April 2010
Article history
{{A sign near the entrance to the Upper Big Branch coal mine, a day after an explosion killed 25 miners.}
{Photograph}: SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images}
Some forms of tragedy have their own rituals of grief. None more so poignantly, perhaps, than that of an Appalachian coal mine disaster. It is an area of America much akin to the old valleys of South Wales. It is mountainous, materially poor but rich in local culture, and the coal mines have dominated life there for many decades.
So when news broke last week of a dreadful explosion that killed at least 25 miners and trapped others, the story felt as familiar as it did sad. Families and communities mourned together. Congregations prayed, vigils were held and the dead were buried. Rescuers tried to reach the missing.
An equally familiar piece of this mournful tableaux was the emergence of distressing details surrounding the Massey corporation that owns the mine. It would be nice one day to have the media examine a coal company and find that it operated safely, professionally and ethically in all its dealings. But, as usual, that was not the case. The Upper Big Branch Mine had been either fully or partly closed 61 times in 2009 and 2010, mostly for health and safety violations, according to the local Charleston Gazette newspaper which got hold of Labour Department documents. In fact, more than 1,300 citations had been issued against the mine in the last five years. Indeed, Massey got two citations for safety violations on the very day of the disaster.
That sounds shocking. But no one familiar with the history of coal mining in West Virginia could be surprised. The mining corporations that dominate the state's economy have a huge say in what happens there. Just look at Don Blankenship, Massey's chief executive. He once spent three million dollars to help get a judge elected to a West Virginia court ruling on a Massey-related case. He also told an ABC news reporter: "If you're going to start taking pictures of me you're liable to get shot." He is a famous union-buster and proudly sceptical of environmentalists. He can afford to pretty much do as he pleases. West Virginia, and the rest of Appalachian coal country, is dreadfully poor and has a virtual industrial monoculture. The mines are a rare source of good, well-paid jobs. Few can afford to turn them down or lobby to get them improved. As Lorelei Scarbro, a daughter, granddaughter and wife of coal miners, told CNN: "We are all being used by an outlaw industry and corrupt politicians and we are all driven by fear." Those sentiments are as old as the industry itself. Nor do they appear likely to change, no matter how many disasters lie in the future.
[Business > BP]
Shareholders may fail to drag BP out of tar sands but have won moral victory
Resolution likely to be seen off as City rallies around Hayward
Ruth Sunderland
The Observer, Sunday 11 April 2010
Article history
BP will almost certainly see off a resolution at its annual meeting next week from 140 shareholders asking it to produce a report by next year about its tar sands activities.
City investors have rallied around BP's management, but the level of protest is too significant to ignore. A number of large overseas investors backed the resolution, as did about 5,000 individuals who participated in an internet drive to enfranchise pension fund members organised by lobby group FairPensions and supported by the Observer.
The campaign has succeeded in dragging BP out of its bunker: it has disclosed information about its financial assumptions and about talks with First Nation communities. Shell, which is subject to a similar resolution, has gone further and produced a report a year earlier than asked. That is progress, but not enough for investors to let either off the hook at this stage.
It is disappointing that the City has closed ranks around BP chief executive Tony Hayward. But campaigners have won a moral victory by pushing tar sands on to the investment agenda.
[News > Media > BBC]
Carbon credit documentary should not have been shown, BBC admits
Corporation acts on Observer investigation into secretive trust linked to socialite Robin Birley that funded film on his carbon credits firm, Envirotrade
Mark Olden and Michael Gillard
The Observer, Sunday 11 April 2010
Article history
{{The BBC has ruled that a sympathetic documentary about the 'philanthropy capitalism' of socialite Robin Birley should not have been shown.}
{Photograph}: Richard Young / Rex Features}
A BBC documentary about socialite Robin Birley and his carbon credits business venture in Africa should never have been broadcast, an internal inquiry by the corporation has found. Millions of viewers were misled because the sympathetic documentary shown on BBC World News failed to declare that it was financed by a secretive trust that was linked to Birley.
The BBC acted in response to an Observer investigation into Birley's "philanthropy capitalism" venture in Mozambique. Taxpayers' money was used to subsidise poor farmers there to protect forests and plant trees that absorb carbon dioxide. Envirotrade, Birley's company, then sells "carbon credits" to celebrities and businesses wanting to offset their emissions. Customers who used Birley's venture to offset emissions included the agency that handles Brad Pitt and George Clooney.
Rockhopper TV, the production company that made the documentary, knew but did not disclose to BBC executives, of links between Envirotrade and the Africa Carbon Livelihood Trust, which funded the making of the documentary. Had it done so, Taking The Credit, the documentary, would never have been shown, the BBC ruled, although it also claimed the programme was balanced.
Birley set up and funded the Mauritius-based trust but would not say who its other donors are or how much Rockhopper was paid to make the programme. Envirotrade saw it as a "marketing" opportunity.
A BBC statement said: "As a consequence of this case, [we] will work closely with Rockhopper to ensure that robust compliance measures are implemented … Until the BBC is fully satisfied that these measures have been put in place, no Rockhopper programmes will be acquired or commissioned."
Rockhopper, which is run by Richard Wilson, a former BBC environment correspondent, and ex-Sky News presenter Anya Sitaram, told the Observer that every indication suggested that the trust was independent.
However, the inquiry found there was a "conflict of interest [that] risked bringing the BBC's editorial reputation into disrepute" because the trust's managing director, Charles Hall, is also chief executive of Envirotrade.
The BBC's own compliance failures have not been made known because the corporation refuses to release its report into the Rockhopper affair, adding to concern that a wider problem exists over commercial sponsorship arrangements on its international channel.
Birley founded Envirotrade in 2002 with a South African, Philip Powell. A year later, the European Commission awarded a €1.5m (£1.3m) grant to Envirotrade and Edinburgh University to pilot a forest project at N'hambita, Mozambique. However, in October 2007, the EC suspended its last €450,000 payment for the project and concluded the following year that unsubstantiated claims were being made about its environmental impact. The suspension was still in force when Rockhopper filmed with Birley in Mozambique last August. By then, a second team of experts working for the EC had just returned from the project. Their report was more positive than the first, but continued to find "major drawbacks" with the implementation of an aspect key to N'hambita's survival – the sale of carbon credits. Viewers of the documentary, which was shown last October, were not told about these criticisms.
Envirotrade says it has sold £1m of carbon credits. However, the EC's criticisms could mean at least £150,000 are unverified and may have to be paid back. Charles Hall, Envirotrade's chief executive, told the Observer: "The business model for Envirotrade frankly remains to be proven. The fact that this can be made into a sustainable business on the basis of selling carbon offsets remains to be seen."
It has also emerged that Envirotrade's London arm is insolvent and owes £800,000 to its parent company in Mauritius.
Hall revealed that the N'hambita project needs an immediate £1m injection from Birley. However, Birley, who says he has already put in more than £1.5m, has given no legal undertaking to provide these extra funds.
Sitaram, executive producer of the documentary, said that had Rockhopper known about the EC's criticisms it would not have touched the project. However, six weeks before broadcast, Fern, a climate campaign group, outlined these criticisms in an email exchange with the programme's researcher.
[News > World news > United states]
Appalachians yield a familiar tale of corporate dereliction
A disaster in a coal mine that cost the lives of at least 25 miners has, once again, exposed the manifest shortcomings of the large company that runs it
Paul Harris New York
The Observer, Sunday 11 April 2010
Article history
{{A sign near the entrance to the Upper Big Branch coal mine, a day after an explosion killed 25 miners.}
{Photograph}: SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images}
Some forms of tragedy have their own rituals of grief. None more so poignantly, perhaps, than that of an Appalachian coal mine disaster. It is an area of America much akin to the old valleys of South Wales. It is mountainous, materially poor but rich in local culture, and the coal mines have dominated life there for many decades.
So when news broke last week of a dreadful explosion that killed at least 25 miners and trapped others, the story felt as familiar as it did sad. Families and communities mourned together. Congregations prayed, vigils were held and the dead were buried. Rescuers tried to reach the missing.
An equally familiar piece of this mournful tableaux was the emergence of distressing details surrounding the Massey corporation that owns the mine. It would be nice one day to have the media examine a coal company and find that it operated safely, professionally and ethically in all its dealings. But, as usual, that was not the case. The Upper Big Branch Mine had been either fully or partly closed 61 times in 2009 and 2010, mostly for health and safety violations, according to the local Charleston Gazette newspaper which got hold of Labour Department documents. In fact, more than 1,300 citations had been issued against the mine in the last five years. Indeed, Massey got two citations for safety violations on the very day of the disaster.
That sounds shocking. But no one familiar with the history of coal mining in West Virginia could be surprised. The mining corporations that dominate the state's economy have a huge say in what happens there. Just look at Don Blankenship, Massey's chief executive. He once spent three million dollars to help get a judge elected to a West Virginia court ruling on a Massey-related case. He also told an ABC news reporter: "If you're going to start taking pictures of me you're liable to get shot." He is a famous union-buster and proudly sceptical of environmentalists. He can afford to pretty much do as he pleases. West Virginia, and the rest of Appalachian coal country, is dreadfully poor and has a virtual industrial monoculture. The mines are a rare source of good, well-paid jobs. Few can afford to turn them down or lobby to get them improved. As Lorelei Scarbro, a daughter, granddaughter and wife of coal miners, told CNN: "We are all being used by an outlaw industry and corrupt politicians and we are all driven by fear." Those sentiments are as old as the industry itself. Nor do they appear likely to change, no matter how many disasters lie in the future.
[Business > BP]
Shareholders may fail to drag BP out of tar sands but have won moral victory
Resolution likely to be seen off as City rallies around Hayward
Ruth Sunderland
The Observer, Sunday 11 April 2010
Article history
BP will almost certainly see off a resolution at its annual meeting next week from 140 shareholders asking it to produce a report by next year about its tar sands activities.
City investors have rallied around BP's management, but the level of protest is too significant to ignore. A number of large overseas investors backed the resolution, as did about 5,000 individuals who participated in an internet drive to enfranchise pension fund members organised by lobby group FairPensions and supported by the Observer.
The campaign has succeeded in dragging BP out of its bunker: it has disclosed information about its financial assumptions and about talks with First Nation communities. Shell, which is subject to a similar resolution, has gone further and produced a report a year earlier than asked. That is progress, but not enough for investors to let either off the hook at this stage.
It is disappointing that the City has closed ranks around BP chief executive Tony Hayward. But campaigners have won a moral victory by pushing tar sands on to the investment agenda.
[News > Media > BBC]
Carbon credit documentary should not have been shown, BBC admits
Corporation acts on Observer investigation into secretive trust linked to socialite Robin Birley that funded film on his carbon credits firm, Envirotrade
Mark Olden and Michael Gillard
The Observer, Sunday 11 April 2010
Article history
{{The BBC has ruled that a sympathetic documentary about the 'philanthropy capitalism' of socialite Robin Birley should not have been shown.}
{Photograph}: Richard Young / Rex Features}
A BBC documentary about socialite Robin Birley and his carbon credits business venture in Africa should never have been broadcast, an internal inquiry by the corporation has found. Millions of viewers were misled because the sympathetic documentary shown on BBC World News failed to declare that it was financed by a secretive trust that was linked to Birley.
The BBC acted in response to an Observer investigation into Birley's "philanthropy capitalism" venture in Mozambique. Taxpayers' money was used to subsidise poor farmers there to protect forests and plant trees that absorb carbon dioxide. Envirotrade, Birley's company, then sells "carbon credits" to celebrities and businesses wanting to offset their emissions. Customers who used Birley's venture to offset emissions included the agency that handles Brad Pitt and George Clooney.
Rockhopper TV, the production company that made the documentary, knew but did not disclose to BBC executives, of links between Envirotrade and the Africa Carbon Livelihood Trust, which funded the making of the documentary. Had it done so, Taking The Credit, the documentary, would never have been shown, the BBC ruled, although it also claimed the programme was balanced.
Birley set up and funded the Mauritius-based trust but would not say who its other donors are or how much Rockhopper was paid to make the programme. Envirotrade saw it as a "marketing" opportunity.
A BBC statement said: "As a consequence of this case, [we] will work closely with Rockhopper to ensure that robust compliance measures are implemented … Until the BBC is fully satisfied that these measures have been put in place, no Rockhopper programmes will be acquired or commissioned."
Rockhopper, which is run by Richard Wilson, a former BBC environment correspondent, and ex-Sky News presenter Anya Sitaram, told the Observer that every indication suggested that the trust was independent.
However, the inquiry found there was a "conflict of interest [that] risked bringing the BBC's editorial reputation into disrepute" because the trust's managing director, Charles Hall, is also chief executive of Envirotrade.
The BBC's own compliance failures have not been made known because the corporation refuses to release its report into the Rockhopper affair, adding to concern that a wider problem exists over commercial sponsorship arrangements on its international channel.
Birley founded Envirotrade in 2002 with a South African, Philip Powell. A year later, the European Commission awarded a €1.5m (£1.3m) grant to Envirotrade and Edinburgh University to pilot a forest project at N'hambita, Mozambique. However, in October 2007, the EC suspended its last €450,000 payment for the project and concluded the following year that unsubstantiated claims were being made about its environmental impact. The suspension was still in force when Rockhopper filmed with Birley in Mozambique last August. By then, a second team of experts working for the EC had just returned from the project. Their report was more positive than the first, but continued to find "major drawbacks" with the implementation of an aspect key to N'hambita's survival – the sale of carbon credits. Viewers of the documentary, which was shown last October, were not told about these criticisms.
Envirotrade says it has sold £1m of carbon credits. However, the EC's criticisms could mean at least £150,000 are unverified and may have to be paid back. Charles Hall, Envirotrade's chief executive, told the Observer: "The business model for Envirotrade frankly remains to be proven. The fact that this can be made into a sustainable business on the basis of selling carbon offsets remains to be seen."
It has also emerged that Envirotrade's London arm is insolvent and owes £800,000 to its parent company in Mauritius.
Hall revealed that the N'hambita project needs an immediate £1m injection from Birley. However, Birley, who says he has already put in more than £1.5m, has given no legal undertaking to provide these extra funds.
Sitaram, executive producer of the documentary, said that had Rockhopper known about the EC's criticisms it would not have touched the project. However, six weeks before broadcast, Fern, a climate campaign group, outlined these criticisms in an email exchange with the programme's researcher.